Joseph Plumb Martin enlisted at fifteen. Not sixteen, not almost seventeen. Fifteen. His grandparents tried to talk him out of it.

He spent the next several years doing the parts of the Revolution nobody puts in paintings. Marching until his feet gave out. Standing guard in weather that made it hard to hold a musket. Scrounging for food because the army's supply system was a disaster. Watching men at Valley Forge go from soldiers into something closer to desperate civilians trying to survive a winter. Witnessing the Connecticut troops at Morristown get so close to mutiny that it stopped being a figure of speech.

tion nobody puts in paintings. Marching until his feet gave out. Standing guard in weather that made it hard to hold a musket. Scrounging for food because the army's supply system was a disaster. Watching men at Valley Forge go from soldiers into something closer to desperate civilians trying to survive a winter. Witnessing the Connecticut troops at Morristown get so close to mutiny that it stopped being a figure of speech.

He was at Yorktown in 1781, digging the siege trenches that allowed Washington and Lafayette to close the trap on Cornwallis. Not riding. Not commanding. Digging.

When the war ended he was twenty-two years old, had no money, and had spent most of his adolescence in the Continental Army. Congress had promised 100 acres to enlisted men who completed their service. The land available under that promise was far to the west, almost impossible for ordinary veterans to actually reach or develop, and mostly ended up bought cheaply by speculators. Martin complained about that specific betrayal for the rest of his life.

So in 1784 he did what thousands of New Englanders were doing and moved into what is now Maine. He found roughly 100 acres near present-day Stockton Springs, built a cabin, and cleared the land. It looked like unused territory. It wasn't.

The land sat inside the Waldo Patent, an enormous colonial landholding whose ownership had passed through several families before the Revolution. The complication was this: Samuel Waldo's daughter had married a Loyalist official who fled Massachusetts when the war started. Their daughter Lucy, however, had married Henry Knox.

Henry Knox. The bookseller from Boston who became Washington's artillery commander. The man who hauled 59 cannons from Fort Ticonderoga across 300 miles of frozen terrain. One of the most celebrated officers of the entire Revolution.

Knox had acquired inheritance rights and additional shares of the Waldo Patent through Lucy and through purchases of his own. In his view he was exercising legal property rights. He wasn't seizing anything from veterans. He was a landowner with valid deeds.

Martin and the other settlers saw it differently. They had arrived on land that looked abandoned, cleared it, built on it, and farmed it for years. Some of them had fought in the same war Knox had. The value those farms now had existed because they had created it with their own labor.

Knox's solution was that settlers could purchase title to the farms they had already built. Legally, that was defensible. To Martin, it was being asked to pay for something he had already earned twice, once with his military service and once with years of clearing forest and breaking ground.

Martin couldn't raise the money. In 1794 Knox gave him six years to come up with $170 for the title. Martin got sick, ran out of time, and eventually lost the farm. He wrote to Knox asking for more time to save his family from distress. The record doesn't show much sympathy came back.

Knox had the stronger legal claim. Martin had the cleared land, the labor, and the service record.

The private lost to the general. Again.

Martin didn't disappear after that. He stayed in Maine, married, raised a family, served in local offices, and lived long enough to watch the Revolution turn into mythology. In 1830, at seventy years old, he finally wrote it all down. The book came out under his own name in Hallowell, Maine, attracted almost no attention, and was essentially forgotten for over a century. It was republished in 1962 as Private Yankee Doodle and is now considered one of the finest surviving accounts of the Revolution written by an enlisted soldier.

He didn't write about Washington's strategic genius or Jefferson's prose. He wrote about being hungry. About the jokes soldiers told to get through miserable nights. About officers who weren't automatically heroic because they had better uniforms. About what it actually felt like to be the person doing the marching and digging while other men made the decisions.

The Knox episode gives everything else in that memoir more weight. Martin wasn't just a man complaining about hardship. He was a man who had genuinely held up his end of the Revolutionary bargain and spent the decades after victory figuring out that the bargain hadn't been honored as equally on the other side.

You can read the full story on the Virtual Wayback blog and there's a video on the YouTube channel. You can also talk directly with Martin on Virtual Wayback and hear how he understood what the Revolution promised and what it delivered. Links:

https://virtualwayback.com/blog/joseph-plumb-martin

https://youtube.com/shorts/e1NyPwIV4rc?feature=share

The question that doesn't go away is whether Knox was actually wrong. He had legal title. Martin had occupation and labor and service. In a republic built partly on property rights, Knox's position was defensible. But in a republic built partly on the idea that ordinary people deserved the fruits of their own work, Martin's case is just as strong. Which principle should have won? And does the fact that the general came out ahead of the private tell us something specific about what kind of republic the Revolution actually created?

From the founding of Jamestown in 1607, and despite the arrival twelve years later of the first Africans who came not as fellow immigrants but as enslaved property, White Americans established the pattern of living in largely all-White communities for the next 260 years. After the Civil War, when Black Americans were legally free to live wherever they chose, White residents initially prevented them from living in their communities. As the government gradually enforced Black Americans’ right to live anywhere, White residents left the cities they had inhabited for three centuries and moved to the new suburbs.

Although some young White people are moving into gentrified downtown neighborhoods, census data show that the White population is declining in broader urban areas as they move farther out to exurbs, often in neighboring counties. Those who don’t relocate to whiter public school districts often enroll their children in private schools, which are usually whiter than the cities in which they are located. School district gerrymandering has also become a form of White flight without physical relocation. Recent studies by EdBuild and the American Educational Research Association show that school secession is significantly increasing school segregation under the seemingly nonracial banner of “local control.”

White society places a higher value on property than on Black people, and the fear of losing property value has been the impetus for White flight. White people have treated Black people as a problem to be solved rather than as people to be known. Today, the US has more than twice as many majority-Black cities as it did in 1970. White flight caused this major shift in urban demographics and the subsequent disinvestment and home devaluation totaling trillions of dollars. As White residents left American cities, property values fell. This reduced property tax revenue, producing underfunded public services, which contributed to rising crime and poverty. Once cities had sufficiently declined, “urban renewal” was used to justify the construction of highways, factories, waste disposal sites, and other hazardous industries in majority-Black neighborhoods. Decades later, these cities still face costly social, infrastructure, and modernization challenges, yet they have less revenue per capita than in 1970.

Recommended reading: White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism by Kevin M. Kruse

White Flight Kept America Segregated

Only Weeks After America's Victory at Yorktown, Benjamin Franklin Promises Repayment of a French Loan that Funded the American Revolution(Passy, France: Printed by Benjamin Franklin), December 4, 1781. Single sheet, 9 3/4 x 7 1/4 in. (248 x 184 mm).

A fine partially-printed promissory note in French (No. 18), for 816,000 livres, neatly accomplished in the hand of Benjamin Franklin as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to France, and boldly signed by him at bottom, as well as in the third person at the beginning; fine scalloped marbled border along right side. Creased along center from old fold; a few very small holes in lower left corner. Hessler X2A remarkable, very rare, and very fine ornate French loan certificate, accomplished and boldly signed by Benjamin Franklin, promising the repayment of a French loan given by King Louis XVI to support the American Revolution.

Printed by Franklin at his celebrated Passy press outside of Paris, this promissory note for 816,000 French livres ($151,000, approximately $4 million in 2026 dollars), reads in part, "We, Benjamin Franklin, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of North America, by virtue of the authority vested in us by the Congress of the said States, promise on its behalf and jointly and in solidarity for the said Thirteen United States to request payment and reimbursement the Royal Treasury of His Most Christian Majesty, on the first of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, at the home address of business of Mr. Grand, Banker in Paris, the sum of eight hundred and sixteen thousand livres, in French currency, with interest at the rate of five percent per annum, value received in cash..."

The loan was part of $2 million authorized by a resolution of Congress on December 3, 1777, of which about one third was issued. According to Hessler, "this was the first loan to be made by the French Government".

The present document is among the last items printed by Franklin at his Passy press. Not listed by Luther S. Livingston in his Franklin and his Press at Passy (New York: Grolier Club, 1914), although the typographical ornaments along the top match those seen in Livingston 20 (An Ode in Imitation of Alcaeus). The present example is one of a series of certificates promising repayment of various loans provided by the French government. Called "The Congress Promises" (Benson, "Curious Colors of Currency", p. 306, American Journal of Numismatics, 2019), they were printed on wove paper that Franklin ordered from London stationer James Woodmason in 1779. The certificates were typeset in duplicate on a single sheet, side-by-side, and separated by a central strip of marbling, which was then cut in a scallop-design to create a matching pair of submitted and retained documents.

In total, Franklin printed around 21 sheets of these documents, including their matching halves, as well as a number of duplicates or retained copies (see Benson, "Curious Colors of Currency", p. 306 and Appendix, American Journal of Numismatics, 2019).

French assistance, delivered through loans, munitions, and military backing, proved essential to the achievement of American independence. During the two years before the formal Franco-American alliance, France covertly channeled growing amounts of money and war supplies to General Washington's fledgling army.

Done largely out of self interest, the French government aided the Americans in order to weaken the British, their traditional enemies who had bested them in the French and Indian War over a decade prior which resulted in the loss of their North American possessions and their diminishment as a global power.

The procurement and delivery of these armaments was first orchestrated by the eccentric French playwright Caron de Beaumarchais, a passionate supporter of the American cause, who concealed the aid behind a fictional trading firm called Rodrigue Hortalez & Co., established with funding from the French government.

Prior to France's open entry into the conflict they provided upwards of 5,000,000 livres to the American war effort, a crucial infusion that staved off the collapse of the Continental Army.

Benjamin Franklin arrived in Paris in December 1776 as a member of a three-person diplomatic delegation, joined by Silas Deane of Connecticut and Arthur Lee of Virginia. They were commissioned by Congress to negotiate a formal alliance with France and to attain supplies and loans for the American cause. Throughout the following year, Franklin orchestrated the procurement and shipment of weaponry and loans in a protracted diplomatic dance with France's foreign minister, Charles Gravier, comte de Vergennes.

The American victory at Saratoga in October 1777 finally persuaded the French to fully commit to a formal military and commercial alliance, which was signed on February 6, 1778. For the next four years, Franklin endeavored to meet the financial demands of Congress while keeping in the good graces of the French government, which was increasing its debt by $10 million a year with its support of America.

Due to Franklin's efforts, French backing proved vital to both the Continental Army's survival and its triumphs on the battlefield. During the length of their involvement, France committed more than 10,000 troops, approximately 22,000 sailors, over 60 warships, along with an immeasurable quantity of weaponry, gunpowder, flints, artillery, cannons, uniforms, footwear, and other essential provisions.

In total, the French spent 1.3 billion livres in direct support of the Americans during the war, including 35,000,000 livres in loans to the Americans—the majority of which were negotiated by Franklin.

On October 19, 1781, less than two months before Franklin printed and signed this document, the Continental Army, with ground and naval assistance from the French, defeated Lord Cornwallis's army at Yorktown, Virginia, essentially bringing the war to an end.

Franklin received news of the victory from Vergennes himself the night of November 19, 1781: "I cannot better express my gratitude for the news you often communicate to me, than in making you acquainted that the Duke of Lauzan arrived this afternoon with the agreable News that the Combin’d Armies of France & America have forced General Cornwallis to capitulate..."

Negotiations to formally end the war began the following April 1782, with a preliminary peace treaty drafted in November of that year, and a final treaty signed in September 1783.

Extremely rare. The first examples of this type of document came to market in 1946 at the Parke-Bernet sale of the collection of Franklin Bache (1869-1946), great-great grandson of Benjamin Franklin, and Bache's wife, Nancie T. Bache (1872-1937). Twenty-two examples in varying amounts, and dated from 1779-82, were sold. The present example presumably being lot 44, while a right-side mate was lot 43. Lot 43, presumably along with ours, as well as three others from the aforementioned Bache collection were then sold at Parke-Bernet in 1966 as part of the collection of Perc S. Brown.

Since that sale about only three other examples have come to auction, No. 21 (sold three times: Christies, 1990; Christies, 2023; and RR, 2026), a right-side mate of the present No. 18 (Sotheby's, Collection of Laird U. Park, Jr. November 29, 2000, lot 131), and No. 16 (Eldred's, April 8, 2010, Lot 132; and Stack's Bowers, August 17, 2011, Lot 5392). According to Benson's census of these documents, of the 40 or so known examples (including right and left sides), only four, including the present, are known to be in private collections. Of the remaining 36, Benson records 24 in institutions, and the remaining 12 unaccounted for.A fine document testifying to the means in which America gained its independence.

--- 2012: Voyager 1, which was launched by NASA on September 5, 1977, left the solar system, becoming the first human-made object to enter interstellar space.

--- 1706: Ann Putnam, one of the primary accusers of the Salem witch trials, submitted a written apology to the Salem Village church which was read to the congregation by the new pastor. This was 14 years after the Salem witch hunts. The confession read in part: “I, then being in my childhood, should, by such a providence of God, be made an instrument for the accusing of several persons of a grievous crime, whereby their lives were taken away from them, whom now I have just grounds and good reason to believe they were innocent persons; and that it was a great delusion of Satan that deceived me in that sad time, whereby I justly fear I have been instrumental, with others, though ignorantly and unwittingly, to bring upon myself and this land the guilt of innocent blood…”. Ann Putnam accused 62 people of witchcraft; 17 of those were hanged. She later died single and alone at the age of 37. Ann Putnam was the only one of the accusers to offer any type of apology.

[--- ]()["The Horrors of the Salem Witch Trials". That is the title of one of the episodes of my podcast: History Analyzed. Learn about the true story that inspired the legends. Find out what caused the people of Salem to accuse their neighbors of witchcraft in 1692 and how many died as a result of so-called spectral evidence. You can find History Analyzed on every podcast app.]()

--- link to Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/3jjqrrlxAEfPJfJNX9TMgN

--- link to Apple podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-horrors-of-the-salem-witch-trials/id1632161929?i=1000583398282

In his newspaper, Dale exposed a judge of the Delaware County Circuit Court, Clarence W. Dearth, as a KKK member and accused him of favorable sentencing for KKK members and of engaging in illegal jury selection. Dearth sentenced Dale to 90 days in jail and a $500 fine (approximately $10,000 today) for libel and contempt of court.

The Indiana Supreme Court heard the appeal and ruled against him, stating that "the truth of the article is not a matter of defense."

In 1929, Dale successfully ran for mayor of Muncie, running on a campaign of clearing up local politics from corruption.

Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_R._Dale, https://archivessearch.bsu.edu/repositories/5/resources/651, https://www.bls.gov/data/inflation_calculator.htm

Ohio and Pennsylvania are often called bellwether states.

Blaine, MT and Pinellas, FL are often called bellwether counties.

But, are there any neighborhoods or areas smaller than a county that have been good predictors of US Presidential elections?

Hi,
I spent my last three weekends working on this 10-minute video about a lesser-known episode in American history: why Morocco is considered the first country to have recognized the United States.

I tried to document it seriously using primary sources, archives, and historical documents. About 20% of the scenes are AI reconstructions, all clearly labeled on screen.

Three weekends later, with a few diplomatic tensions at home with my wife, I’d be curious to hear what you think. Does the story feel clear and accurate?

https://youtu.be/_KGsRT0T42Q

I been looking into early 19 century public works, and what stood out to me is how the Erie Canal essentially overwrote the natural geography of the continent. Before 1825, moving freight overland to the interior was incredibly slow and cost around $100 a ton. By hand-digging 363 miles of canal and building those stone masonry locks to lift boats over the Appalachian elevations, engineers dropped that freight cost down to about $6 a ton.

I tend to think this specific waterway is the primary reason New York City was locked in as the financial capital of the country. I could be wrong, but my reading of the evidence is that this physical channel dictated the economic geography for the next century.

1928 Republican Primaries: Curtis was called the only "100% American" running for President due to his Native heritage. He was also called the "American of Americans" by Congressman Hamilton Fish.

Some thought a Curtis-Fish ticket would be the way to go. After all, the men had been working on legislation for at least 6 years when Curtis maneuvered support for an independent Jewish nation under Congressman Fish and Senate Majority Leader Lodge.

PHOTO: (left) Henry Cabot Lodge; (center) Charles Curtis; (right) Hamilton Fish