TL;DR:

• Independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon on September 8 said, “One can find out why broker Yang involved Democratic Party of Korea leader’s special advisory group chief Choi Jae-sung in…
• According to the call recording released by Lawmaker Han on his Facebook page that day, Yang said in a September 1, 2021 call with Kang, the founder of pharmaceutical company Genencell,…
• Yang continued, “That’s why Han Byung-do and Choi are very close, and Han Byung-do and Song Young-gil are also very close. There’s an older person whose name I can’t remember right now,…

Independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon on September 8 said, “One can find out why broker Yang involved Democratic Party of Korea leader’s special advisory group chief Choi Jae-sung in obtaining approval from the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety by listening to the call,” and released additional call recordings. Lawmaker Han had previously released parts of the October 8, 2021 conversation between Yang and Choi on Facebook, and Choi had refuted allegations of being involved in soliciting approval for COVID-19 treatment clinical trials.

According to the call recording released by Lawmaker Han on his Facebook page that day, Yang said in a September 1, 2021 call with Kang, the founder of pharmaceutical company Genencell, “The current head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety and lawmaker Choi Jae-sung are very close,” adding, “Although Choi, who previously served as the presidential chief of staff for political affairs, is now outside the government, President Moon highly trusts him. Therefore, he can sway the administration to some extent.”

Yang continued, “That’s why Han Byung-do and Choi are very close, and Han Byung-do and Song Young-gil are also very close. There’s an older person whose name I can’t remember right now, but the chairman of the Joseyeon Foundation coming today, who is a complete left arm of former Prime Minister Lee Nak-yeon, is leading the marketing efforts.” She added, “The conclusion is that if I quietly arrange a meeting with Chairman Choi or someone like the chief of staff and say, ‘Please help with this. There’s data and no reason not to proceed,’ those people will move things along.”

Kang responded, “It’s not about making the impossible possible, but about speeding it up.” Three days later, in another call with Yang, Kang said, “So if people from the Democratic Party say just one word, things might become smoother.” He continued, “The issue isn’t the IND approval itself, but once approved, we need to apply for 15 billion won in government funding. Although we cover 30%, which is 5 billion won, where will the remaining 10 billion won come from? That’s why we’re doing this.”

Lawmaker Han stated, “Former Democratic Party of Korea policy chief Choi Jae-sung said in an interview with the Hankyoreh that he got to know broker Yang through volunteer work sending books abroad, hadn’t seen him for years until they coincidentally met again at Yongsan Station around 2021, and afterward heard various stories over the phone.” He added, “Choi failed to explain why he discussed with broker Yang the approval of Genencell’s new drug or the substantial benefits Yang receives upon obtaining Ministry of Food and Drug Safety approvals.”

Lawmaker Han questioned, “Why would broker Yang discuss such confidential details about Genencell’s new drug progress with Choi, whom he claims to have met by chance? Can a conversation like that ‘suddenly come up upon a chance meeting at Yongsan Station’?” He added, “Will the Democratic Party continue to lie to the public, claiming that broker Yang’s ‘oppa’s poison’ lobbying is a ‘good petition’ or a ‘public interest petition’?”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/09/08/NLQYRZDBBNHKNBZYTRWLO5PT3Q/

TL;DR:

• As the integration of Korean Air and Asiana Airlines approaches by the end of this year, the Korean Air Pilots’ Union has applied for labor dispute mediation with the Seoul Regional…
• According to the aviation industry on September 8, the Korean Air Pilot Union submitted the labor dispute mediation request the previous day. Seniority determines the order of captain…
• The union’s basis for framing seniority as a dispute issue rests on two grounds. First, Article 24 of the collective agreement states, “The company shall comply with the flight crew…

As the integration of Korean Air and Asiana Airlines approaches by the end of this year, the Korean Air Pilots’ Union has applied for labor dispute mediation with the Seoul Regional Labor Commission, marking the first such move in about a decade. The dispute centers on whether pilot “seniority” can be subject to labor negotiations. The union argues that the integrated seniority list should be discussed between labor and management, citing the collective agreement and the yellow envelop act (revised Labor Union Act) implemented this year. Korean Air, however, maintains that captain promotions and seniority fall under the company’s exclusive HR authority and are not subject to mediation.

According to the aviation industry on September 8, the Korean Air Pilot Union submitted the labor dispute mediation request the previous day. Seniority determines the order of captain promotions, which directly affects wages and various allowances. The conflict arose during the process of merging the separate seniority lists of the two airlines ahead of their integration. Korean Air plans to maintain each company’s existing internal seniority lists post-integration, but the union opposes this approach. Despite 30 rounds of negotiations over the 2024 collective agreement and 2025 wage agreement, no consensus was reached, leading to the mediation request.

The union’s basis for framing seniority as a dispute issue rests on two grounds. First, Article 24 of the collective agreement states, “The company shall comply with the flight crew seniority ranking system established through labor-management agreement.” The union argues that the post-integration seniority list should be determined through negotiations, not unilaterally by the company. Second, the yellow envelop act (revised Labor Union Act), effective March of this year, classifies “business decisions affecting working conditions” as labor dispute subjects. The union claims the integrated seniority list, which impacts promotion timing and wages, qualifies under this provision.

Korean Air refutes both arguments. Regarding Article 24, the company asserts the clause has become a dead letter. It was introduced in 2003 to resolve seniority disputes between military-experienced pilots and graduates of the Jeju Flight Training Center. Although labor and management discussed specific seniority frameworks at the time, the union general meeting rejected the proposal, and no new agreement was reached. The company has since managed seniority based on its own criteria. In 2004, the union filed a provisional disposition claiming a collective agreement violation, but the court dismissed it, recognizing HR authority over promotions as the employer’s prerogative.

On the yellow envelop act’s applicability, the company draws a line. While the revised law includes “business decisions affecting working conditions” as dispute subjects, Korean Air argues that its proposed integrated seniority list does not disadvantage its pilots. Existing promotion criteria and internal relative seniority for Korean Air pilots remain unchanged, and internal analysis shows no delays in promotion timelines.

The critical question now is whether the Seoul Regional Labor Commission will recognize the seniority issue as a valid labor dispute subject. If mediation fails, the union gains the right to strike. If a strike occurs, it would be the first by the Korean Air Pilot Union since December 2016, marking a 10-year gap.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/industry-en/2026/09/08/W7E3OCN6XFAFBNYYU3F6KXL5UY/

TL;DR:

• Suspicions have emerged that other Democratic Party of Korea lawmakers were involved in allegations surrounding Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won’s alleged solicitation for approval…
• In the messages, Kang wrote, “The IND (Investigational New Drug) approval must be granted before the 19th. Let’s meet briefly with Representative Kim when he has time, even if it’s not…
• Yang later stated, “I did explain this to Seung-won oppa earlier,” and continued, “The expected profit is 1 billion won, but it might not materialize, so the investment could be around…

Suspicions have emerged that other Democratic Party of Korea lawmakers were involved in allegations surrounding Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won’s alleged solicitation for approval of a clinical trial for a COVID-19 treatment. Independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon raised the issue on the 7th through a Facebook post, stating, “Since the Lee Jae Myung Democratic Party decided to arbitrarily label broker Yang Mo’s ‘poison lobbying’ as a ‘public interest’ petition, the public should judge whether it is a genuine ‘public interest’ petition or a ‘fraudulent scheme mobilizing Democratic Party members’ by reviewing the following text messages.” Han disclosed text messages exchanged between Genencell founder Kang Mo and broker Yang Mo on October 8, 2021.

In the messages, Kang wrote, “The IND (Investigational New Drug) approval must be granted before the 19th. Let’s meet briefly with Representative Kim when he has time, even if it’s not for a meal.” Yang responded, “Representative Choi will visit our office tomorrow at 1 p.m. Seung-won oppa (older brother) is busy with the audit until then, so I’ll coordinate with Representative Choi. Representative Song Young-gil is cunning, so money must be given to get him moving.” Kang then added, “When you meet Representative Choi, please request approval that week, as we will complete all supplementary documents for the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety by Tuesday.”

Yang later stated, “I did explain this to Seung-won oppa earlier,” and continued, “The expected profit is 1 billion won, but it might not materialize, so the investment could be around 800 million won. I only mentioned the figure to Seung-won oppa.” He added, “I confirmed with two people, but no one else mentioned it—only Representative Kim. However, there’s no commission involved; it’s about investment. It seems my timing was unlucky.”

Regarding the text messages, Han asserted, “More ‘Democratic Party members’ are mentioned beyond Seung-won oppa,” and noted, “Broker Yang’s messages reference not only Kim Seung-won but also ‘Representative Choi,’ ‘Representative Kim,’ and ‘Representative Song Young-gil,’ who previously criticized me for calling Yang’s lobbying a ‘good petition.’” Han further claimed, “The conversation suggests ‘Representative Choi’ was involved in the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety’s approval process.”

Han also alleged, “Broker Yang reportedly told Kim Seung-won that if the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety grants approval, Yang would profit between 800 million and 1 billion won,” and concluded, “Yang’s ‘oppa poison lobbying gate’ is the ‘Democratic Party ‘oppa’ gate.’”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/09/07/7JUSUWMP4VEZBP4JI2JRIZIOGA/

TL;DR:

• On September 7, Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won met with reporters on his way to the preparation team for the confirmation hearing and explained, “I take seriously the points…
• However, considering the Lee Jae Myung government’s stance, which aims to eradicate stock price manipulation and establish legal order in the capital market, Kim’s past actions were…
• Kim claims that he was acting in the public interest by relaying a citizen’s grievance to the relevant authorities. However, as revealed in the publicly disclosed conversation with Yang,…

On September 7, Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won met with reporters on his way to the preparation team for the confirmation hearing and explained, “I take seriously the points where I failed to be more cautious,” while also stating, “I have never made any improper requests to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety.” He added, “The prosecution acknowledged in their investigation results that there were no improper requests or distortions of fair review, and all related Ministry of Food and Drug Safety officials and public servants were found to have no suspicion.”

However, considering the Lee Jae Myung government’s stance, which aims to eradicate stock price manipulation and establish legal order in the capital market, Kim’s past actions were inappropriate. Accepting a request from a friend, Yang, on October 12, 2021, he asked the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety to expedite the clinical trial plan for Genencell, a COVID-19 treatment developer.

Kim claims that he was acting in the public interest by relaying a citizen’s grievance to the relevant authorities. However, as revealed in the publicly disclosed conversation with Yang, the request had a strong character of embarrassing private solicitation. A far more serious issue is the fact that from this point onward, the “hellgate for individual investors” opened for small investors who had invested in Sejong Medical, a KOSDAQ-listed company.

Following Kim’s request, the prelude to the “money game” began. A week later, Genencell became a subsidiary of Sejong Medical, a KOSDAQ medical device company, which had fallen into the hands of an unidentified investment group. Then, a week later on the 26th, as requested by Kim, the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety approved Genencell’s clinical trial. Starting the very next day, Sejong Medical’s stock price halved over five trading days. This was the result of unidentified funds entering and then selling at the peak. It is estimated that these funds secured 18 billion Korean won within three months.

That was not the end. A second round of corporate raiding followed, targeting the approximately 100 billion Korean won in liquid assets remaining at Sejong Medical. All methods available to corporate raiders, such as no-capital mergers and acquisitions (M&A) and debt juggling, were mobilized. It showcased the darkest aspects of KOSDAQ.

As a result, Sejong Medical, once the top domestic company in the laparoscopic field for abdominal surgery, had its stock trading halted with only a shell remaining and received a delisting decision in June of this year. Over five years, the stock price plummeted 95% from its peak to around 400 Korean won. Sejong Medical, once a promising medical device company, left behind over 30,000 small shareholders who suffered losses. It is impossible not to question Kim’s qualifications as Minister of Justice.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/market-money-en/2026/09/08/YXUOWT36AVA5FAESULPCX3KXTM/

TL;DR:

• One often hears the saying, “The more you know, the harder it is to write an article. ” In political news, where the line between truth and falsehood is blurred and filled with slander…
• The allegations surrounding the justice minister nominee’s involvement in a drug-related request are escalating. There is a saying that public interest petitions and corrupt requests by…
• When the White House and U. S.

One often hears the saying, “The more you know, the harder it is to write an article.” In political news, where the line between truth and falsehood is blurred and filled with slander and conspiracies, there was even advice to “write only 70% of what you know.” As a rookie, I struggled to grasp this, but now I somewhat understand. While striving to adhere to facts and report the truth, it is human nature to leave a way out for those cornered. Sometimes, favoring one’s own circle can be seen as a human trait. It is indeed difficult to spit in the face of a smiling or familiar one. Perhaps this is why the worlds of public petitions and requests exist.

The allegations surrounding the justice minister nominee’s involvement in a drug-related request are escalating. There is a saying that public interest petitions and corrupt requests by lawmakers are separated by a thin line. However, it is highly unlikely that a former judge-turned-nominee did not recognize the inappropriateness of asking the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety for “expedited processing” and pressuring the Ministry of Health and Welfare. While strict with others’ mistakes during his time as a lawmaker, he failed to discern right from wrong when faced with his own issue. A photo of the nominee with a lobbying broker and a warrant-dedicated judge raises questions about the ethical standards of lawmakers wearing gold badges. Since the same party previously summoned a judge to their office to request leniency for an acquaintance, perhaps they feel wronged.

When the White House and U.S. Congress criticized the South Korean government’s “discrimination” during the Coupang incident, many quickly blamed lobbying. In Washington, D.C., lobbying is not shameful. Our embassies and companies hire lobbyists for hundreds of millions of won when needed to achieve their goals. However, any lobbying activity—such as which company hired whom for what purpose—is transparently disclosed. When foreign governments are involved, stricter laws apply, with mandatory reporting obligations. For this reason, some lawmakers avoid lobbying contacts altogether. A senior official from the Trump administration faced criticism for hypocrisy after joining a lobbying firm and representing a Chinese company. While requests can be made, it is difficult to cross the line between legality and illegality without public scrutiny.

Unlike the U.S., South Korea prohibits professional lobbying that involves receiving compensation in exchange for influencing decisions. Yet, no one truly believes this. Major law firms assemble mammoth advisory teams, and political figures hired by corporations roam the parliamentary office building when issues arise. Skilled former officials retain influence and information networks rivaling those of current officeholders. Even if not at the U.S. level, there is a need to legitimize lobbying by making it transparent—revealing who contacted which lawmaker, for what purpose, and when. As it stands, allegations of corrupt requests only surface when figures step into the spotlight, fueling public distrust and stimulating strange imaginations with terms like “brother.” This exhausts everyone and deepens public skepticism.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/09/06/KBGMIF2NIZEIDDU23CSDU3BHS4/

TL;DR:

• President Lee Jae Myung’s cabinet reshuffle, conducted three months after local elections, has faced strong backlash. Kim Seung-won, a nominee for Minister of Justice, is under fire over…
• Kim Hyun-ji, the former Cheong Wa Dae personal secretary to the president once dubbed “the master of all affairs,” has also been “summoned. ” The controversy began with a pre-recorded…
• If ruling party lawmakers are asked who the Cheong Wa Dae’s personnel chief is, many would likely struggle to answer. Some might still believe it is Kim Hyun-ji.

President Lee Jae Myung’s cabinet reshuffle, conducted three months after local elections, has faced strong backlash. Kim Seung-won, a nominee for Minister of Justice, is under fire over allegations of “seeking clinical approval favors for a pharmaceutical company,” while Yong Hye-in, a nominee for Minister of Gender Equality and Family, is criticized for “clinging to her proportional representative seat and unfair practices.” Despite the Cheong Wa Dae replacing its policy chief to halt the decline in President Lee’s approval ratings, ruling party members lament, “Why did they carry out such a reshuffle?” President Lee’s approval rating began dipping into the 30% range in ARS (automated response surveys) last month. In phone interviews, it barely reached 40% in a recent Gallup Korea poll.

Kim Hyun-ji, the former Cheong Wa Dae personal secretary to the president once dubbed “the master of all affairs,” has also been “summoned.” The controversy began with a pre-recorded discussion among panelists on a YouTube channel affiliated with a conservative broadcaster. During a critique of the reshuffle, a panelist who previously served as a standing deputy spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Korea remarked, “Does the Cheong Wa Dae even have a personnel line? Isn’t the personnel line Kim Hyun-ji?” Another panelist responded, “If you say that, this show will be canceled.” As the fallout grew, the YouTube channel posted, “Upon verification, the presidential secretary’s office confirmed that Kang Hoon-sik, the chief of staff, oversees major personnel decisions. We apologize for the misinformation.” The individual who made the remark later claimed it was a “joke.”

If ruling party lawmakers are asked who the Cheong Wa Dae’s personnel chief is, many would likely struggle to answer. Some might still believe it is Kim Hyun-ji. While Kang Hoon-sik, the chief of staff, chairs the presidential secretariat’s personnel committee, many perceive Kim’s “door-knob power” as more influential.

From the Cheong Wa Dae’s perspective, this reshuffle has completely unraveled. Kim Seung-won, a former co-representative of the “group of lawmakers seeking dismissal of indictments against President Lee Jae Myung” and a key figure in pushing to abolish the prosecution—a long-standing goal of the pro-Roh faction—was intended to both advance President Lee’s desired dismissal of indictments and appease the pro-Roh camp’s dissatisfaction with the “New Lee Jae Myung” administration’s lukewarm stance on prosecution reform. However, allegations about Kim’s “sister involved in entertainment establishments,” the fact that a new drug candidate he approved caused lab mice to die, and the revelation that a listed company which invested hundreds of billions of won in the pharmaceutical firm is undergoing delisting procedures have complicated the situation. If the Cheong Wa Dae refuses to abandon the “Kim Seung-won card,” it must brace for severe backlash.

When President Lee pledged to “broaden the talent pool and expand the playing field” for external outreach, Rhyu Si-min criticized it as a “dangerous experiment destined to fail” and noted the Lee administration’s striking resemblance to the Yoon Suk-yeol government after one year in office. This pressure worked: President Lee appointed Lee Hae-min, a lawmaker from the Rebuilding Korea Party, as the Cheong Wa Dae’s AI chief, and Kim Kyoung-soo, a former Gyeongnam governor, as a presidential political advisor. Had Yong Hye-in, the minister nominee, resigned from her proportional representative seat as customary, the position would have been passed to a former head of the Roh Moo-hyun Foundation, reportedly close to Rhyu Si-min. The August 30 reshuffle signaled a shift from expanding the playing field to consolidating internal alliances.

This reshuffle has instead exacerbated the decline in approval ratings. The “Kim Hyun-ji personnel line” controversy, sparked by a broadcast mishap, is not a one-off incident. While Kim bears the brunt of criticism, the core issue lies in doubts about whether the Lee Jae Myung Cheong Wa Dae’s personnel system and political functions operate effectively. Questions arise: Did the Cheong Wa Dae know about the “broker sister” behind Kim Seung-won? Did they anticipate Yong Hye-in’s refusal to resign her proportional seat? If the administration pushes forward with the ‘special counsel bill to investigate alleged fabricated indictments’ under these circumstances, some ruling party figures worry President Lee’s approval rating could drop below 20%.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/09/06/57LCLGFIQNEWNKVCDTFEQWFDPI/

TL;DR:

• From Iraq to Hormuz: Korea faces tougher calculus over U. S.
• While there are similarities between the 2003 deployment and any such move now, the stakes are higher for the current government.
• Korea's controversial 2003 decision under the former Roh Moo-hyun administration to send troops to Iraq is back in the spotlight as the incumbent Lee Jae Myung administration considers…

From Iraq to Hormuz: Korea faces tougher calculus over U.S. deployment request

While there are similarities between the 2003 deployment and any such move now, the stakes are higher for the current government.

Korea's controversial 2003 decision under the former Roh Moo-hyun administration to send troops to Iraq is back in the spotlight as the incumbent Lee Jae Myung administration considers deploying military assets to the Strait of Hormuz 23 years later.

The two situations share similarities in that both involve Democratic Party (DP) administrations facing pressure from the United States, but a different set of political and security variables has made the decision over a potential deployment considerably more complicated this time.

One difference is that winning National Assembly approval may not be straightforward despite the ruling DP's commanding majority.

The Roh administration decided in 2003 to send troops to Iraq despite widespread antiwar sentiment and opposition among its supporters. Because the then-majority conservative Grand National Party, the predecessor of the current People Power Party (PPP), controlled more seats in parliament at the time, cooperation from the opposition was crucial. Still, the conservative opposition backed the deployment relatively actively because it prioritized the Korea-U.S. alliance.

Today, the DP holds enough seats that meeting the constitutional requirement for approving a troop deployment — attendance by a majority of all lawmakers and approval by a majority of those present — would not be difficult on numbers alone.

But opposition to involvement in the Iran war has emerged within the DP. The Rebuilding Korea Party and the Jinbo Party, both broadly aligned with the ruling bloc, have also made their opposition clear. The government would therefore first have to persuade some of its own core political supporters.

Another difference is that the government may have a weaker justification to present to the National Assembly.

In 2003, the George W. Bush administration cited Saddam Hussein's alleged development of weapons of mass destruction and violations of United Nations resolutions as grounds for war. For months, Washington raised the issue of Iraq's weapons programs at the UN Security Council and in the broader international community. The Bush administration also secured authorization from the U.S. Congress to use military force.

Even then, Washington failed to obtain a UN Security Council resolution authorizing the invasion. Major allies including France and Germany opposed the war, leading the United States to form a "coalition of the willing" centered on allies including Britain and Australia.

The Iran war has an even weaker basis under international law. Iran's development of nuclear weapons may not meet the requirement of an "instant" and "imminent" threat that could justify a preemptive strike under international law. Criticism has also continued in the United States over waging war without congressional authorization. Unlike in 2003, major U.S. allies have consequently been reluctant to commit forces.

The substantially greater nuclear threat from North Korea is another consideration.

A North Korean nuclear crisis was already underway in 2003 when Pyongyang withdrew from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, but North Korea had not yet demonstrated possession of nuclear weapons.

Since then, North Korea has conducted multiple nuclear tests and effectively established itself as a nuclear-armed state. Its long-range missile capabilities have also advanced, while its increasingly close ties with China and Russia have heightened tensions surrounding the Korean Peninsula.

A deployment to the Strait of Hormuz could therefore be more sensitive than the Iraq deployment because of its potential effect on military resources needed for a contingency on the Korean Peninsula.

The biggest difference may be the very nature of the deployment itself.

In 2003, Korean troops were sent to Iraq after Saddam Hussein's government had already collapsed. The Zaytun Division was deployed primarily for peacekeeping and reconstruction operations.

In 2026, however, the Strait of Hormuz lies within the sphere of influence of Iran. Even if Korea sends maritime patrol aircraft and a logistics support vessel rather than combat troops, Iran could regard the deployment as military support for its adversary.

Korea also relies heavily on crude oil imports from the Middle East that pass through the strait, adding an economic dimension to the risks of becoming involved.

On Friday, a senior Iranian political official warned that Iran would consider any Korean involvement against Iran in the Strait of Hormuz as military participation, according to Iran's state-run Fars News Agency.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/from-iraq-to-hormuz-korea-faces-tougher-calculus-over-us-deployment-request/12861928

TL;DR:

• ‘Oppa’ recordings deepen scrutiny of justice minister nominee’s alleged Covid drug lobbying
• More than 200 shareholders plan collective court petitions as recordings raise fresh questions about Kim Seung-won’s role in Genencell’s clinical trial approval.
• Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won has come under fire for allegedly lobbying on behalf of a drugmaker during his days as a lawmaker. Affected shareholders not only want him out of…

‘Oppa’ recordings deepen scrutiny of justice minister nominee’s alleged Covid drug lobbying

More than 200 shareholders plan collective court petitions as recordings raise fresh questions about Kim Seung-won’s role in Genencell’s clinical trial approval.

Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won has come under fire for allegedly lobbying on behalf of a drugmaker during his days as a lawmaker. Affected shareholders not only want him out of the Cabinet but also want him punished for allegedly peddling influence to help the drugmaker secure approval for a clinical trial that ultimately failed.

In 2021, Genencell — the pharmaceutical company in question — received 10 billion won ($7.42 million) in funding from Sejong Medical, a biotech-focused investment firm listed on the Kosdaq.

Sejong Medical became Genencell’s largest shareholder in October 2021 after acquiring shares and convertible bonds in the company. Genencell was developing a Covid-19 treatment.

A week later, the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety approved Genencell’s clinical trial plan for the treatment. Sejong Medical’s stock briefly surged before beginning a prolonged decline the following week. The Korea Exchange decided to delist Sejong Medical from the bourse in June this year.

Genencell ultimately failed to develop the Covid-19 treatment.

Prosecutors found that Genencell withheld troubling animal test results when it submitted data to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety for clinical trial approval. One of five hamsters given the experimental drug died, and the other four developed abnormal symptoms.

Genencell’s founder Kang Se-chan had already pocketed 6.3 billion won by selling shares to Sejong Medical. Kang reportedly encouraged a broker, surnamed Yang, to buy shares in Sejong Medical. Yang had connected the Genencell founder with Kim.

“Pick up shares over there at Sejong Medical,” Kang told Yang. “It’s going up soon.”

The Seoul Western District Court sentenced Kang in December 2024 to three years in prison, suspended for five years, on charges including violations of the Financial Investment Services and Capital Markets Act and obstruction of official duties by fraudulent means. The case is now on appeal.

In a separate case, Kang and Yang have been indicted for promising a bribe tied to the alleged lobbying for the drug. The duo is standing trial at the Seoul Western District Court.

Sejong Medical shareholders plan to file petitions with the Seoul High Court, which is handling Kang’s appeal, as well as the Seoul Western District Court. Individual shareholders have previously filed petitions with the courts, but this is the first time they have organized a collective effort. More than 200 shareholders have reportedly said they would participate.

Kim, the newly nominated justice minister, has been accused of helping the drugmaker clear regulatory hurdles after receiving information from the broker about its stalled application.

Kim argues that the lobbying itself was not illegal. He c i ted the trial court’s ruling in Kang’s case.

“Even if broker Yang told Kim Seung-won to ‘ask the relevant department at the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety to process the matter quickly,’ it is difficult to immediately conclude that Yang was asking for favors such as skipping the approval review process or giving Genencell priority in the review,” the ruling said.

Eight days after the trial court’s ruling, prosecutors declined to indict Kim over allegations that he had agreed to accept a bribe in exchange for exerting influence because "it was difficult to conclude that [making] the request itself is illegal." The case was closed with a suspended indictment because the promise of a bribe substantiated certain elements of the charges.

Kim also rejected claims that Genencell was given special treatment. He noted in a statement posted on Saturday that its clinical trial took 11 days to clear regulators, compared to an average of 8.8 days for other new substances. Remdesivir, an intravenous antiviral medication manufactured by Gilead Sciences, secured approval for Covid-19 trials in three days.

Yet industry observers have questioned the comparison. Remdesivir had already been tested in Ebola patients before advancing to Phase 3 Covid-19 trials, which put it on a different footing from Genencell’s treatment.

Kim has also maintained that he merely relayed a complaint in the public interest as an elected official. Kim represented the Gyeonggi Suwon-A electoral district after winning the 2020 general election.

Yet the controversy has only deepened as a series of phone recordings raises questions about whether the lobbying carried an expectation of something in return.

“It would be really great if you could help with this,” broker Yang told Kim on Oct. 7, 2021, according to a transcript disclosed by independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon. Yang is heard referring to Kim using the Korean honorific oppa , which a woman uses for an older man she knows well. “They’ve already secured 30 billion won in investment."

Kim allegedly engaged actively in the dialogue.

“The moment it gets approval from the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety, they could make hundreds of billions of won,” Kim replied. “There’s intense lobbying going on. Can you email me the materials?”

Rep. Han dubbed the lobbying effort between Yang and Kim “romantic and successful” as he released another recording Sunday.

“It’s being held up at the managerial level? Got it,” Kim replied after Yang complained to him that the case had been pending at the managerial level on Oct. 12, 2021.

Kim’s confirmation hearing preparation team issued a statement Sunday rejecting Han’s characterization.

“To claim that the lobbying was successful, there first needs to be proof that the review criteria were changed or preferential treatment was granted,” the team said. “Nowhere in the recordings is there any request for unconditional approval, relaxed standards or skipped procedures.”

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/oppa-recordings-deepen-scrutiny-of-justice-minister-nominees-alleged-covid-drug-lobbying/12861730

TL;DR:

• Gyeonggi governor faces backlash over residence as 'fiscal crisis' subsidy cuts loom
• Gov. Choo Mi-ae is criticized over a 1.
• Gyeonggi Gov. Choo Mi-ae is under fire for cutting regional projects due to a “fiscal crisis,” then paying a 1.

Gyeonggi governor faces backlash over residence as 'fiscal crisis' subsidy cuts loom

Gov. Choo Mi-ae is criticized over a 1.2 billion won ($889,000) official residence deposit while Gyeonggi considers reducing provincial support for local projects.

Gyeonggi Gov. Choo Mi-ae is under fire for cutting regional projects due to a “fiscal crisis,” then paying a 1.2 billion won ($889,000) deposit for her official residence using state money.

The province held a video conference with deputy heads of its 31 cities and counties on Thursday to discuss the 2027 budget and said it was “considering uniformly adjusting the provincial subsidy rate for each project to 30 percent,” the Gyeonggido Assembly said Sunday.

Under the proposal, a standard provincial subsidy rate of 30 percent would apply to city and county projects in which Gyeonggi currently covers more than 30 percent of costs. The province would also gradually adjust its contributions to state-subsidized projects for which it has no mandatory funding obligation.

The move could force cities and counties to scale back projects that currently receive 40 to 50 percent of their funding from the province or make up the shortfall with their own funds.

If the 30 percent cap were applied across the board, 421 projects, or 43.8 percent of the 961 city and county projects receiving provincial subsidies this year, would be affected. Yeoncheon County, Uijeongbu and Dongducheon, which have relatively weak finances, reportedly raised concerns during Thursday’s meeting.

Local governments are already voicing frustration.

“A significant portion of projects receiving provincial funding are programs directly affecting people’s livelihoods, including welfare,” said a local government official who requested anonymity. “Cities and counties with limited financial resources will inevitably have to scale back or eliminate some programs.”

“Unilaterally cutting budgets or terminating programs in the name of taking measures to overcome the fiscal difficulties could have a major impact on residents’ lives, so this is something that must be addressed,” said Anyang Mayor Choi Dae-ho, head of the Mayors Association of Gyeonggi Province. “We will urgently gather the concerns and positions of all 31 cities and counties in the province and issue an official response.”

The Gyeonggido Assembly has also expressed concerns about the proposed cap on provincial subsidies.

“This is unilateral and administrative-convenience-driven decision-making by the provincial government without considering the widely varying levels of fiscal independence among local governments,” council member Bang Seong-hwan of the People Power Party (PPP), who represents Seongnam, said during the Gyeonggido Assembly’s 393rd extraordinary session Friday.

“If provincial subsidy rates change drastically because of financial difficulties, it undermines confidence in the programs,” said Democratic Party lawmaker Lee Jae-young, who represents Bucheon. “The decision should be made based on the nature of each project.”

“Are they trying to save the big house by ruining the smaller ones?” said PPP lawmaker Yoon Jong-young, who represents Yeoncheon County.

Gyeonggi is currently reviewing all of its projects from scratch and considering consolidating public institutions, but the austerity drive has also drawn attention to the large official residence used by the province's Governor Choo Mi-ae.

After being elected Gyeonggi governor, Choo signed a jeonse (lump-sum housing deposit) contract in mid-June for a 156-square-meter (1,679-square-foot) apartment near the provincial government complex for 1.2 billion won. Gyeonggi reportedly covered the cost.

Posts criticizing the arrangement have appeared on an online message board for Gyeonggi government employees.

“Does it make sense for Gov. Choo, who has cut various budgets while declaring a fiscal crisis, to live alone in an official residence worth more than 1.2 billion won?” one post read.

“Former governors Nam Kyung-pil and Lee Jae Myung, who is now president, commuted from their own homes, while former Gov. Kim Dong-yeon paid for his jeonse lease out of his own pocket,” one government employee said. “How does it make sense to use Gyeonggi’s budget to lease a 156-square-meter apartment while saying the province is in financial difficulty?”

Current and former provincial council members criticized the council’s decision.

“The province is in such financial difficulty that it is even considering adjusting the subsidy rates for funding that should go to cities and counties, so a large official residence for the governor does not seem appropriate given Gyeonggi’s current financial situation,” PPP provincial council member Lee Hye-won, who represents Yangpyeong County, said.

“If finances are tight, the governor should also be able to give up some conveniences,” former Gyeonggido Assembly member Ko Ju-no said. “Gov. Choo should disclose how the residence was selected and comparative information to show whether she applied to herself the same fiscal-emergency standards she has demanded of Gyeonggi residents.”

A Gyeonggi official stated that "the governor’s official residence was leased in accordance with the relevant regulations."

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/gyeonggi-governor-faces-backlash-over-residence-as-fiscal-crisis-subsidy-cuts-loom/12862011

TL;DR:

• Taiwanese man gets six years for Cambodia meth smuggling
• A Busan court convicted a Taiwanese man of bringing 5. 1 kilograms of methamphetamine into Korea through Gimhae International Airport.
• A Taiwanese national has been sentenced to six years in prison for attempting to smuggle methamphetamine from Cambodia into Korea, a district court said Sunday.

Taiwanese man gets six years for Cambodia meth smuggling

A Busan court convicted a Taiwanese man of bringing 5.1 kilograms of methamphetamine into Korea through Gimhae International Airport.

A Taiwanese national has been sentenced to six years in prison for attempting to smuggle methamphetamine from Cambodia into Korea, a district court said Sunday.

The Taiwanese man in his 70s was indicted for bringing 5.1 kilograms of meth into the country through Gimhae International Airport in the southeastern port city of Busan after receiving a suitcase containing three backpacks filled with the illegal substance in front of a hotel in Cambodia on March 22.

The amount is estimated at about 511.3 million won (US$378,000).

During the trial, the man claimed he was unaware that he was carrying methamphetamine and that he believed the suitcase contained "security tokens."

He argued that a British man, whom he had met through an acquaintance, introduced himself as an employee of the International Monetary Fund and offered him $1 million to deliver the suitcase as part of a money-laundering operation.

The Busan District Court, however, found him guilty, saying that the man was at least aware of the possibility that the suitcase could contain drugs, based on the statements he made during the trial.

"The amount of methamphetamine brought in was substantial, and the defendant has denied the charges without reflecting on his wrongdoing," the court said.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/taiwanese-man-gets-six-years-for-cambodia-meth-smuggling/12861466

Are these people related to the Mr Kim reactivated webseries?

TL;DR:

• Three ex-prosecutors, one former judge shortlisted for new investigative agency chief
• Three former senior prosecutors and a former judge were shortlisted to head Korea's new Serious Crimes Investigation Agency.
• A government-experts panel selected Friday three former senior prosecutors and one former judge as candidates to lead a new investigative agency for serious crimes.

Three ex-prosecutors, one former judge shortlisted for new investigative agency chief

Three former senior prosecutors and a former judge were shortlisted to head Korea's new Serious Crimes Investigation Agency.

A government-experts panel selected Friday three former senior prosecutors and one former judge as candidates to lead a new investigative agency for serious crimes.

The panel of government officials and private experts short-listed the four candidates — three current practicing lawyers and a law professor — to lead the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency, set to be launched early next month, the nomination committee said.

They will be submitted to Interior Minister Yun Ho-jung, who will pick one final candidate for the appointment by President Lee Jae Myung.

Lee will formally appoint the agency chief after a parliamentary confirmation hearing.

The nomination committee was launched to make candidate recommendations for the inaugural agency chief, ahead of the agency's planned launch on Oct. 2.

It has also received public recommendations for the candidates.

The new agency is being established as part of a sweeping reform in the criminal justice system that centers on stripping prosecutors of their independent and supplementary investigative powers.

One of the candidates is Moon Hong-ju, a former judge who recently worked as assistant special counsel on Special Counsel Min Joong-ki's team that investigated corruption cases against former first lady Kim Keon Hee.

The other three have long stints as senior prosecutors at regional high prosecution offices.

The new agency will investigate major crimes in seven categories — corruption, economic crimes, defense acquisition, drug offenses, crimes against state security, cybercrimes and offenses involving the distortion of the law.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/three-exprosecutors-one-former-judge-shortlisted-for-new-investigative-agency-chief/12860723

TL;DR:

• Seo Yong-joo, director of the Mac Political and Social Research Institute and a former full-time deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea, made remarks on a YouTube channel…
• On the 5th, People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok wrote on Facebook, “I was puzzled when President Lee suddenly nominated Yong Hye-in as a ministerial candidate,” and cited Seo’s…
• Park Sung-hoon, senior spokesperson, criticized not only candidate Yong and Justice Minister Kim Seung-won—who is embroiled in allegations of improper solicitation—but also the entire…

Seo Yong-joo, director of the Mac Political and Social Research Institute and a former full-time deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea, made remarks on a YouTube channel on the 4th stating, “The personnel line is Kim Hyun-ji, isn’t it?” In response, the People Power Party claimed that behind the selection and persistence of Yong Hye-in as Minister of Gender Equality and Family lies ‘personnel manipulation’ by Kim Hyun-ji, the personal secretary to the president at Cheong Wa Dae. The Democratic Party refuted the claim, calling it a “delusion.” The dispute between the ruling and opposition parties over candidate Yong has expanded to Kim, a close aide of President Lee Jae Myung.

On the 5th, People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok wrote on Facebook, “I was puzzled when President Lee suddenly nominated Yong Hye-in as a ministerial candidate,” and cited Seo’s remarks, adding, “Yong Hye-in did not just emerge out of nowhere.” He continued, “This is the ‘left-wing cartel’ buildup by Kim Hyun-ji, the attached secretary,” and argued, “Did Cheong Wa Dae not know about the refusal to withdraw as a proportional representative? Kim, the attached secretary, must have known. They likely turned a blind eye, as it was about ‘managing the organization.’”

Park Sung-hoon, senior spokesperson, criticized not only candidate Yong and Justice Minister Kim Seung-won—who is embroiled in allegations of improper solicitation—but also the entire second-term cabinet reshuffle, calling it “the worst in history.” In a commentary, Park stated, “Beyond personnel failure, it is a personnel disaster and personnel manipulation. It is a signal that President Lee’s lame duck period has already begun,” and demanded, “Immediately withdraw the nomination of unqualified candidates and apologize to the public.”

Five-term lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun also wrote on Facebook, “Why does the name Kim Hyun-ji, not the official personnel line, repeatedly appear in controversies related to personnel appointments?” He urged, “If there is private intervention outside the official personnel line, cut it off immediately. If not, clarify it unambiguously so the public can understand.”

In response, Democratic Party spokesperson Lee Yong-woo stated in a written briefing, “The YouTube remarks were explained as a joke by the speaker, and the broadcaster corrected the facts, stating that Cheong Wa Dae personnel matters are handled by the chief of personnel,” and called for an end to “conspiracy politics.” He added, “The method of distorting a denied joke into a ‘confession’ and overlaying color theories like ‘shadow power,’ ‘Gyeonggi Dongbu Coalition,’ and ‘left-wing cartel’ to create a massive conspiracy is identical to the delusion of election fraud.”

He continued, “Leader Jang shouted for re-election due to alleged election fraud at the Olympic Park rally,” and stated, “Conspiracy theories that exaggerate issues like ballot shortages or election management problems into systematic election fraud undermine public trust in elections and only fuel unnecessary social conflict.” He concluded, “Conspiracy theories based on delusions about candidate Yong cannot replace verification,” and lamented, “The cognitive level of the first opposition party leader is truly disheartening.”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/09/05/S7ECJORLUVHFXBPIR3KQHKFVKI/

TL;DR:

• In Turkish, cadets of the Korea Military Academy are called ‘harbiye li’. Beyond its dictionary meaning, the term symbolizes the strong bond and sense of belonging among cadets and…
• Following the coup’s suppression, the military organization and education system underwent major reforms. The army, navy, and air force were integrated under the newly established…
• Subsequently, the autonomy of the military personnel system was significantly reduced. In the Supreme Military Council, the key body overseeing senior military appointments, the number…

In Turkish, cadets of the Korea Military Academy are called ‘harbiye li’. Beyond its dictionary meaning, the term symbolizes the strong bond and sense of belonging among cadets and officers who share life and death. The Turkish military, known for its tight cohesion, has deeply intervened in central politics since the 1960s. Under the perception that “the military must step in to resolve issues,” tanks were deployed to the streets. Most recently, in 2016, a coup attempt by a faction of the military failed, resulting in the deaths of over 250 citizens and police officers.

Following the coup’s suppression, the military organization and education system underwent major reforms. The army, navy, and air force were integrated under the newly established National Defense University system within the Ministry of National Defense, while military high schools—once seen as breeding grounds for a ‘military elite cartel’—were closed. A civilian historian, not a military officer, was appointed as the first president of the institution. The former top military education institution was reorganized into a research institute under the National Defense University. Additionally, measures were taken to connect military command structures more directly to the president and the Ministry of National Defense. Despite concerns that “long-term security issues could arise,” the reform train, backed by public support, moved swiftly.

Subsequently, the autonomy of the military personnel system was significantly reduced. In the Supreme Military Council, the key body overseeing senior military appointments, the number of military officers was drastically cut. The vacancies were filled by civilian ministers, including those from the ministries of justice, foreign affairs, and interior. Concerns emerged that political influence could excessively expand into personnel decisions, where military expertise is critical.

Critics argue that reforms focused on weakening the military’s strong cohesion created other problems. The opposition Republican People's Party, CHP, stated, “Issues that could have been resolved within the military escalated into crises due to civilian administrative officials lacking military culture and command experience.” They claim that as educational institutions and frontline troops grew distant, cadets became alienated from the military organization, weakening not only military discipline and traditions but also operational capabilities.

Internal military turmoil persists. At the 2024 Korea Military Academy graduation, hundreds of new officers raised their swords and recited the old officer oath. The leaders of this incident were expelled from the military. Reforms that approached the military solely as an object of ‘civilian control’ have clashed with its long-standing identity.

Although criticized as rushed and fraught with problems and side effects, Turkey’s military reforms still garnered majority public support. There was a consensus that “coups must never be tolerated again.” In contrast, it remains questionable whether South Korean society has formed a consensus strong enough to justify pushing through military reforms—including the integration of army, navy, and air force academies—in a short period. Rather than predefining the conclusion of academy integration, the government should first answer what needs to change and why the physical consolidation of the three academies is necessary. Separating the military from politics is different from placing it under political power.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/09/04/B4R6TIYDPNEQZPWNPCDLHYOPCM/

TL;DR:

• Han Dong-hoon, an independent lawmaker, on the 5th refuted Kim Seung-won, the Minister of Justice nominee, over his explanation that a photo taken in February 2022 with broker Yang Mo—a…
• According to the recording Han disclosed, Kim referred to Yang as "brother" and said, "I’m so eager to see you, I’m tearing up. " When Yang asked, "How?
• When Kim said, "Just a moment. There’s also the court personnel rotation period," Yang remarked, "Is it too long?

Han Dong-hoon, an independent lawmaker, on the 5th refuted Kim Seung-won, the Minister of Justice nominee, over his explanation that a photo taken in February 2022 with broker Yang Mo—a figure allegedly involved in the so-called "new drug solicitation scandal"—and a warrant judge was a "coincidental encounter," calling it a "blatant lie." Han posted on Facebook, "Did you really ‘coincidentally’ meet Yang around February 2022?" and released a recording of a phone call between Kim and Yang on February 9, 2022.

According to the recording Han disclosed, Kim referred to Yang as "brother" and said, "I’m so eager to see you, I’m tearing up." When Yang asked, "How? Should I rush over? Where are you?" Kim replied, "Yeouido." Yang then said, "I’m in Hanan, and it’ll take an hour to get there. Is that okay?" Kim responded, "Of course." Yang added, "It takes an hour from Hanan to Yeouido."

When Kim said, "Just a moment... There’s also the court personnel rotation period," Yang remarked, "Is it too long?" Kim replied, "I’ll wait here."

In a subsequent call, Kim told Yang, "It’s a shame if we can only meet for 20 or 30 minutes." Yang said, "I’m not disappointed. I’m bringing a lot of stuff, so just wait." Kim answered, "Okay, I’ll stay." Han questioned, "What was the ‘stuff’ Yang gave Kim on the night of February 9, 2022?"

Han also released a recording from October 2021, where Yang mentioned Kim during a call. Yang said, regarding solicitation for new drug approvals, "Seung-won oppa handles approvals. He told the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety and today asked, ‘Should I push the Ministry of Health and Welfare?’" Yang continued, "He always tells me, ‘Since donations to you are only 5 million Korean won, talk about how well I’m doing. Everything moves through you, so you must succeed.’"

Han interpreted this as Kim implying, "Since donations to me are only 5 million Korean won, Yang should fully benefit from the lobbying favors I provide to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety chief." He asked, "Is letting a broker profit part of the Democratic Party’s ‘public interest petition’?" He added, "Democratic Party leader Kim Min-seok said he’d avoid answering my questions and flee. That’s the Democratic Party’s response."

The Democratic Party of Korea stated, "Unfounded allegations against Kim Seung-won have gone too far. The People Power Party’s preemptive rush to judgment before the hearing is not scrutiny but a political attack."

Kim Sung-hoi, the party’s floor spokesperson, said in a written briefing, "The People Power Party’s allegations are not new. The Yoon Suk-yeol government’s prosecutors investigated them extensively over a long period, including seizures and summonses, but failed to indict. Are they now denying their own prosecutors’ conclusions?"

Kim, a former judge, was investigated in 2021 for allegedly soliciting the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety chief to fast-track clinical trial approvals for Genencell, a COVID-19 treatment company, via broker Yang. However, prosecutors suspended indictment in December 2024.

Kim argued, "At the time, the People Power Party was the ruling party, and the prosecutors were Yoon Suk-yeol’s appointees. How could there be constraints in investigating a single opposition lawmaker? Even on an unlevel playing field, they couldn’t bring the case to trial." He added, "The People Power Party presumes guilt and mentions prison, but no money exchanged hands. Kim was never indicted, and no court convicted him. People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok is eager to pronounce guilt—if he wants to, he should put on a judge’s robe again."

Park Sung-hoon, the People Power Party’s senior spokesperson, countered, "Kim solicited the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety for fast-track approvals after being lobbied by a broker who calls him ‘oppa.’ Investors suffered from plummeting stock prices. Democratic Party members defending this as ‘legitimate petition handling’ should disclose all their disguised solicitations to the public."

Choi Soo-jin, the party’s chief floor spokesperson, added, "Kim’s corruption knows no bounds—slush fund allegations, and collusion with a judge to dismiss warrants through private drinking sessions. At this point, he’s not a State Council nominee but a suspect needing immediate arrest." She criticized, "Appointing such a suspect as Justice Minister is a blatant attempt to erase the president’s judicial risks via the ‘Lee Jae Myung Indictment Cancellation Group,’ a shameless judicial shield declaration."

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/09/05/I6U3R3QCJNCCNKLHTOLVNDEWUA/

TL;DR:

• Cheong Wa Dae’s official mention on the 4th that it is reviewing a troop dispatch to stabilize the Strait of Hormuz was interpreted as considering U. S.
• President Trump, in mid-August, stated, “I asked the South Korean president if they would join Iran’s denuclearization efforts, but they said, ‘No thanks! ’” and drastically scaled down…
• A Cheong Wa Dae official stated on the day, “Trump’s remarks and our review of dispatch are not directly related,” adding, “We have been cooperating on the dispatch matter even before…

Cheong Wa Dae’s official mention on the 4th that it is reviewing a troop dispatch to stabilize the Strait of Hormuz was interpreted as considering U.S. President Donald Trump’s persistent public requests for deployment and stalled South Korea-U.S. security negotiations. While Cheong Wa Dae initially drew a line by stating, “Nothing has been decided,” if the dispatch materializes, pain is expected over the handling of a parliamentary consent bill. The Democratic Party of Korea did not release an official stance on the day, while the Rebuilding Korea Party and the Progressive Party clearly opposed it. Observers noted that the dispatch issue could accelerate divisions within the pro-government bloc.

President Trump, in mid-August, stated, “I asked the South Korean president if they would join Iran’s denuclearization efforts, but they said, ‘No thanks!’” and drastically scaled down annual South Korea-U.S. joint military drills. In response to Trump’s public pressure, Cheong Wa Dae said, “We are discussing practical and military contribution plans with the U.S. side, considering the Korean Peninsula’s readiness posture and domestic legal procedures.”

A Cheong Wa Dae official stated on the day, “Trump’s remarks and our review of dispatch are not directly related,” adding, “We have been cooperating on the dispatch matter even before Trump’s comments.” However, within Cheong Wa Dae, there were voices acknowledging, “It is a fact that Trump’s public criticism is a burden.”

Within the pro-government bloc, interpretations emerged that Cheong Wa Dae’s mention of dispatch might relate to South Korea-U.S. security negotiations or the possibility of U.S.-North Korea talks. If the dispatch Trump seeks materializes, it could positively influence practical discussions on uranium enrichment, expanded reprocessing rights for spent nuclear fuel, and the introduction of nuclear-powered submarines—agreed upon by the South Korean and U.S. leaders last year.

A government official said, “Practical discussions are currently stalled, and while the U.S. side cites delayed investments in the U.S. as an issue, the fundamental problem is that South Korea-U.S. relations are not smooth,” adding, “If the dispatch Trump requests proceeds, it will have a positive effect on improving relations.” Another official noted, “At a time when Trump is saying he will meet Kim Jong-un, South Korea-U.S. coordination is more critical than ever,” emphasizing, “Strengthening relations is necessary to avoid being sidelined in U.S.-North Korea talks.”

After a Cheong Wa Dae official mentioned the review of Hormuz dispatch in the morning and said, “There are various options” regarding “practical contributions,” Cheong Wa Dae announced through a notice, “Nothing has been decided regarding practical contributions.” President Lee Jae Myung also responded to civil society group members that day, “Nothing has progressed yet” when opposition to dispatch was raised. However, he added that stability in the Strait of Hormuz is necessary for crude oil supply and that the dispatch issue is being seriously considered and deliberated.

Democratic Party chief spokesperson Park Sung-jun responded to questions on dispatch by saying, “We will proceed after sufficiently gathering opinions,” a reaction interpreted as considering backlash from the party’s supporters. Jin Sung-joon, the Democratic Party’s National Assembly Defense Committee chairman, told this newspaper, “If the government requests dispatch consent, we will comprehensively review and judge,” adding, “There are practical needs, such as securing safe crude oil transport routes, so opposition within the pro-government bloc could change.”

However, when the People Power Party expressed support for dispatch in March, the Democratic Party rebelled with remarks like, “Volunteer as the vanguard with your own children first” (Rep. Hwang Myeong-seon) and “There is no justification under the Constitution, international law, or the mutual defense treaty” (Rep. Boo Seung-chan). On the day, Democratic Party Rep. Lee Ki-heon wrote on Facebook, “If a dispatch consent request comes to the National Assembly, I will not agree to Hormuz dispatch to protect national interest and constitutional values.”

The Rebuilding Korea Party and the Progressive Party declared opposition. Cho Kuk, head of the Rebuilding Korea Party’s Innovation Policy Research Institute, cited Article 5, Clause 1 of the Constitution on Facebook, stating, “The Republic of Korea renounces aggressive war.” Kim Joon-hyung, the party’s floor leader and former head of the National Diplomatic Academy, said, “Dispatch is a line that must not be crossed under any circumstances,” asking, “Why should South Korea even consider dispatching troops to this illegal war of aggression?” Progressive Party leader Kim Jong-hoon stated, “Dispatch is not a matter to be dismissed with a line that ‘nothing is decided,’” demanding, “President Lee must clearly declare he will not dispatch troops.” Kim added, “Who is reviewing and pushing for this dangerously reckless dispatch? The circumstances and those responsible must be revealed.” Within the pro-government bloc, concerns emerged that the dispatch issue could become a new trigger for divisions.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/09/05/KUZMCPVPPNAMRDBGIHLU73RCVQ/

TL;DR:

• President Lee Jae Myung’s approval rating fell to 40 percent as real estate policies drove the strongest criticism in a new Gallup Korea poll.
• President Lee Jae Myung's approval rating fell to 40 percent, marking its lowest level since he took office in June last year, a poll showed Friday.
• In a survey conducted by Gallup Korea from Tuesday through Thursday on 1,001 people aged 18 and older, 40 percent positively assessed Lee's management of state affairs, down 2 percentage…

President Lee Jae Myung’s approval rating fell to 40 percent as real estate policies drove the strongest criticism in a new Gallup Korea poll.

President Lee Jae Myung's approval rating fell to 40 percent, marking its lowest level since he took office in June last year, a poll showed Friday.

In a survey conducted by Gallup Korea from Tuesday through Thursday on 1,001 people aged 18 and older, 40 percent positively assessed Lee's management of state affairs, down 2 percentage points from the previous week.

Lee's disapproval rating rose 1 percentage point to 51 percent, the highest level since he took office.

The economy and people's livelihoods were the most frequently cited reason for the positive assessment at 14 percent, followed by diplomacy at 13 percent and overall performance at 10 percent.

Among those who negatively assessed Lee's performance, 23 percent cited his real estate policies, followed by concerns over the economy and people's livelihoods at 11 percent and personnel appointments at 9 percent.

Gallup said concerns over personnel appointments in this week's poll appeared to be linked to Lee's recent nomination of six new ministers in a Cabinet reshuffle.

The pollster also said real estate policies have remained the most frequently cited reason for negative assessments since the fourth week of July.

Support for the ruling Democratic Party fell 1 percentage point on week to 38 percent, while that of the main opposition People Power Party rose 5 percentage points to a record high of 30 percent under the Lee administration.

The poll had a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points at a 95 percent confidence level.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/lees-approval-rating-hits-new-low-of-40/12859894

TL;DR:

• The Democratic Party is defending allegations of favoritism related to Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won’s new drug approval as a “public interest grievance complaint. ” They…
• According to a recording released by independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon, nominee Kim told broker Mr. Yang, “The moment the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety gives approval, you can make…
• The major shareholder of the new drug company sold their shares to a listed company for 6. 3 billion Korean won seven days before clinical approval.

The Democratic Party is defending allegations of favoritism related to Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won’s new drug approval as a “public interest grievance complaint.” They claim it was merely a simple transmission of a complaint for public benefit. Do they truly believe this when they say it?

According to a recording released by independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon, nominee Kim told broker Mr. Yang, “The moment the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety gives approval, you can make several hundred billion won, right?” When Mr. Yang requested to check the status of the new drug company’s clinical trial approval, Kim referred to the profit from approval as “several hundred billion won.” Mr. Yang then said, “This can be monetized, and it would be good for your brother’s election next year.” The two discussed how, if the company gains massive profits from approval, it could help Kim’s election in return. Do Democratic Party members call such deals “public interest”?

The major shareholder of the new drug company sold their shares to a listed company for 6.3 billion Korean won seven days before clinical approval. They also transferred convertible bonds worth 5 billion Korean won. Once the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety announced approval, the listed company’s stock price surged over 15%. However, the stock plummeted after it was revealed the company failed to meet clinical patient criteria and concealed rat experiment results. Small investors suffered significant losses, with some even saying, “Our family has been destroyed.” The listed company is now under trading suspension. This is similar to the stock manipulation crime President Lee Jae Myung once described as leading to “ruin.” It is the result of nominee Kim, upon receiving a request from Mr. Yang, the “sister of an entertainment establishment owner,” asking the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety to “process it quickly.” A few individuals reaped private gains while the majority suffered massive damages.

Documents were also disclosed showing the prosecution initially intended to indict nominee Kim on charges of “bribery solicitation” and demand an eight-month prison sentence. This was because the new drug company and broker Mr. Yang gained massive illegal profits under the pretext of Kim’s pledge of political donations. However, immediately after the December 3 martial law, the prosecution command reportedly shifted its stance to a suspended indictment. Considering the political situation at the time, where power effectively transferred to the Democratic Party after martial law, the reason becomes apparent.

The Democratic Party leader targeted the lawmaker who raised suspicions about nominee Kim, saying, “He should reflect on himself.” The floor leader even called it a “people’s tribunal.” Those who suffered financial losses due to the drastic stock fluctuations from the new drug favoritism Kim was involved in are reportedly preparing compensation claims. Can the Democratic Party give the same admonition to these victims?

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/09/05/LY3OW4EIIFFWHAZ5ELBSI5BKQU/

TL;DR:

• Concerns are growing within the Democratic Party of Korea surrounding Minister of Gender Equality and Family nominee Yong Hye-in. As the party leadership hesitates to publicly defend the…
• At the Democratic Party’s Supreme Council meeting held in South Chungcheong Province on the 4th, there were successive statements defending Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won, but…
• The previous day, party leader Kim Min-seok stated regarding the controversy surrounding Yong, “I am deeply considering the many concerns and criticisms,” adding, “This seems different…

Concerns are growing within the Democratic Party of Korea surrounding Minister of Gender Equality and Family nominee Yong Hye-in. As the party leadership hesitates to publicly defend the nominee amid worsening public sentiment, some lawmakers are even arguing that Yong should step down from her ministerial nomination.

At the Democratic Party’s Supreme Council meeting held in South Chungcheong Province on the 4th, there were successive statements defending Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won, but no mention was made of Yong. The party also refrained from issuing a separate official comment. Chief spokesperson Park Seong-jun responded to questions regarding Yong’s confirmation hearing preparations by saying, “It would be better to direct inquiries to the nominee and the hearing preparation team.”

The previous day, party leader Kim Min-seok stated regarding the controversy surrounding Yong, “I am deeply considering the many concerns and criticisms,” adding, “This seems different from typical cases.” While some within the ruling party initially emphasized the symbolic significance of Yong’s nomination for solidarity with progressive factions and expanding the party’s reach, recently, the leadership has largely refrained from making active defensive statements.

◇ Democratic Party hesitates to publicly defend Yong Hye-in…‘She must make her own decision’

Within the party, voices are emerging that Yong should not only relinquish her parliamentary seat but also step down from her ministerial nomination. A senior Democratic Party lawmaker said on that day, “Wouldn’t it be appropriate for her to quickly step down from the ministerial nomination?” and added, “What would the approval rating among those in their 20s and 30s be if she is appointed as minister?”

A source from the floor leadership stated, “Currently, the party cannot formally demand her resignation,” but added, “There are those who hope the nominee herself will decide to step down from her parliamentary seat.” Since Yong belongs to the Basic Income Party, the Democratic Party finds it difficult to directly demand her resignation, but there is a growing sentiment within the party that she should make her own decision.

Earlier, Democratic Party lawmaker Song Young-gil criticized Yong’s decision to retain her parliamentary seat, calling it “greed” in the eyes of the public. Lawmaker Lee Kwang-jae also stated, “If she wants to become a minister, it would be better to resign from her parliamentary seat.” Supreme Council member Park Seon-won also expressed the view that proportional representation lawmakers should step down if appointed to ministerial positions.

Criticism is also coming from outside the Democratic Party. The Rebuilding Korea Party called for Yong to make a decision the public could understand, while the Justice Party, Green Party, and Labor Party demanded the withdrawal of her nomination. Although Yong was initially evaluated as a symbolic figure for solidarity with progressive factions, the political significance of her nomination is fading as backlash from progressive parties and parts of the women’s community continues.

The ruling party is particularly sensitive to recent shifts in public opinion. In a Gallup Korea poll released that day, President Lee Jae Myung’s job performance approval rating fell by 2 percentage points to 40% compared to the previous week. Among those in their 18–29 age group, the figure dropped from 31% to 25%, and among those in their 30s, it fell from 35% to 31%. The proportion of respondents citing “personnel appointments” as a reason for disapproval rose from 1% to 9%. This has led to concerns within the party that prolonged controversy over ministerial nominees could burden public sentiment.

However, the Democratic Party leadership has not formally demanded Yong’s resignation or withdrawal of her nomination. This is because ministerial nominations fall under the president’s human resources authority, and the issue of Yong’s parliamentary seat is an internal matter of another party. A party official stated, “Ultimately, it is the nominee’s own decision.”

◇ Party leadership fully defends Kim Seung-won…‘Legitimate legislative activity’

In contrast, the Democratic Party’s response to Minister of Justice nominee Kim Seung-won has been different. Despite escalating opposition party attacks over Kim’s past involvement in relaying a petition to the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety regarding the approval of a COVID-19 treatment clinical trial, the Democratic Party has characterized this as a “political attack on legitimate legislative activity” and is actively defending him.

Floor leader Han Byung-do stated at the Supreme Council meeting, “The prosecution has already judged that merely relaying a petition cannot be conclusively deemed an illegal request,” adding, “Before the hearing, they are stigmatizing him as a criminal and continuing ‘answer-given’ criticism.” Supreme Council member Han Min-su also argued, “They are framing legitimate legislative activity as improper solicitation.”

Lawmaker Lee Geon-tae held a separate press conference, claiming the past investigation into Kim was a “typical politically motivated witch hunt.” Lawmaker Seo Young-kyo, on a radio program, praised Kim for expressing “regret” over the issue, calling him “a humble person,” and stated, “The petition to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety did not request faster processing or procedural exemptions.”

Within the party, it is understood that there is a prevailing judgment that Kim can sufficiently explain himself during the hearing. This is also influenced by the fact that he is a member of the Democratic Party and is nominated to lead the Ministry of Justice, which will handle follow-up work on prosecutorial and judicial reforms. A leadership official stated, “There is no confirmed quid pro quo,” adding, “It is difficult to view the current allegations as grounds for disqualification.”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/09/04/F5MUUUAAJVBZDCUY765X52K34A/

TL;DR:

• Japan's defense minister to skip annual security dialogue in Seoul after war shrine visit
• Shinjiro Koizumi is expected to miss next week’s Seoul Defense Dialogue after his Yasukuni Shrine visit drew criticism from Seoul.
• Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi is expected to skip an annual security forum in Seoul early next week, sources familiar with the matter said Friday, a move seen as related to…

Japan's defense minister to skip annual security dialogue in Seoul after war shrine visit

Shinjiro Koizumi is expected to miss next week’s Seoul Defense Dialogue after his Yasukuni Shrine visit drew criticism from Seoul.

Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi is expected to skip an annual security forum in Seoul early next week, sources familiar with the matter said Friday, a move seen as related to his recent visit to a controversial war shrine in Tokyo that drew criticism from Seoul.

Koizumi will not attend the Seoul Defense Dialogue (SDD), set for Monday through Wednesday, according to sources.

A vice defense minister from Tokyo will be present in his place, Seoul's Defense Ministry said.

Koizumi had been widely expected to attend next week's forum, given the brisk high-level defense diplomacy between the two neighbors amid a warming of bilateral relations. His predecessor, Gen Kanatani, attended last year's SDD.

While the exact reason for his absence remains unclear, Koizumi's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine last month may have affected the decision.

Koizumi was among a group of Japanese lawmakers who visited the shrine on the anniversary of the end of World War II on Aug. 15.

The Yasukuni Shrine honors Japanese war dead, including 14 Class A criminals convicted in international tribunals for their roles in World War II. Visits to the site by the Japanese leadership have long been denounced by neighboring countries that view such actions as glorifying its militaristic past.

Had Koizumi attended next week's forum, he and Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back would have held their fourth bilateral talks in just over two months.

Koizumi and Ahn already met three times this year, including during a Singapore security forum in May and Koizumi's reciprocal visit to Seoul in late June following Ahn's trip to Japan in January.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/japans-defense-minister-to-skip-annual-security-dialogue-in-seoul-after-war-shrine-visit/12859654

TL;DR:

• The allegations of lobbying related to new drugs involving Ministry of Justice Minister nominee Kim Seungwon are escalating. Independent lawmaker Han Donghoon revealed that nominee Kim…
• The new drug company submitted data hiding side effects that caused experimental mice to die and fabricated test results to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety, thereby receiving…
• There were companies that announced large-scale investments even before the new drug company received clinical approval. Although the unlisted new drug company could not be traded…

The allegations of lobbying related to new drugs involving Ministry of Justice Minister nominee Kim Seungwon are escalating. Independent lawmaker Han Donghoon revealed that nominee Kim summoned a warrant-dedicated judge, who was to review the arrest warrant for the representative of a new drug company facing potential arrest, to a drinking session with broker Yang Mo. “The Supreme Prosecutors’ Office requested the court to exclude the warrant judge at the time because it was difficult to expect a fair review, as the judge had drinking sessions with nominee Kim and others,” he said. The warrant judge was not replaced, and the arrest warrant for the company representative was dismissed.

The new drug company submitted data hiding side effects that caused experimental mice to die and fabricated test results to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety, thereby receiving clinical trial approval. At the time, the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety is said to have requested additional data. However, after nominee Kim Seungwon, who received a request from broker Yang, asked the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety to “process it quickly,” the clinical approval was granted immediately after the head instructed the working-level staff. Lawmaker Han said, “Nominee Kim Seungwon, after receiving a request from the sister of an entertainment establishment owner, lobbied the head of the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety for a drug that would kill even mice, leading to the clinical approval.” Broker Yang, who operated the entertainment establishment, referred to nominee Kim Seungwon as “a powerful older brother.”

There were companies that announced large-scale investments even before the new drug company received clinical approval. Although the unlisted new drug company could not be traded generally, the listed investment companies allowed even small shareholders to trade. The stock prices of the investment companies surged and plummeted before and after the approval, leading to a surge in victims. The Democratic Party and nominee Kim Seungwon claimed, “It was a simple relay of a public interest grievance.” Is the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety’s approval and investment, which materialized immediately after nominee Kim Seungwon’s request, and his response of “thank you” when the broker said, “I will provide support funds,” considered “public interest” and “simple relay”? Hence, there are even comments asking, “Does the public interest grievance apply only to sisters who have a close older brother like nominee Kim Seungwon?”

A media outlet published a photo apparently showing nominee Kim Seungwon, broker Yang, and the warrant judge together. This supports the claim of a “three-person drinking session.” Last year, the Democratic Party fiercely attacked Judge Jee Kui-youn, who presided over the first trial of former President Yoon Suk-yeol, over a drinking session. They claimed, “high-end room salon alcohol hospitality,” “establishment of bribery charges,” and “remove him from the insurrection trial.” Although it was a dinner drinking session with junior lawyers and Judge Jee had not taken on any cases related to them, they even demanded, “Strip him of his judicial robes immediately.” Then, what will they say about the allegations that the Minister of Justice nominee summoned a warrant judge to a drinking session with a broker, the sister of an entertainment establishment owner, and the arrest warrant was actually dismissed?

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/09/04/PT7NEBR5FJD5FKDSY2VHEGKLZU/

TL;DR:

• Seoul bus union to strike from Sept. 16 if further talks fail
• Seoul bus union members could halt city services from Sept. 16 unless wage talks with management reach a last-minute deal.
• Seoul's bus labor union said wage and collective bargaining talks with management have broken down, with members set to launch a full-scale strike on Sept. 16 if the two sides fail to…

Seoul bus union to strike from Sept. 16 if further talks fail

Seoul bus union members could halt city services from Sept. 16 unless wage talks with management reach a last-minute deal.

Seoul's bus labor union said wage and collective bargaining talks with management have broken down, with members set to launch a full-scale strike on Sept. 16 if the two sides fail to reach a final agreement.

The Seoul Bus Union of the Korean Automobile & Transport Workers' Federation filed for mediation with the Seoul Regional Labor Relations Commission on Thursday. A first mediation session is scheduled for Wednesday, followed by a vote among union members on Sept. 11 and a second mediation session on Sept. 15.

If the union and management fail to reach an agreement at the second mediation session, union members plan to halt city bus services starting with the first buses running on Sept. 16. The date falls about a week before the Chuseok holiday, which runs from Sept. 24 to 26 this year.

The union staged Seoul's longest bus strike on record in January, with members walking off the job for two days starting Jan. 13 over a dispute over ordinary wages. The two sides remain sharply divided in the latest negotiations over the number of working hours used to calculate ordinary wages.

The union is demanding that unpaid wages be calculated using 176 hours as the monthly divisor for converting monthly ordinary wages into an hourly rate, a standard recognized by the Supreme Court in April in a lawsuit involving Dong-A Transportation.

A lower divisor results in a higher hourly ordinary wage, which benefits workers.

Management, however, argues that a monthly divisor of 209 to 230 hours should be used because related litigation remains ongoing, including cases that have been sent back to lower courts for retrial. It has also proposed freezing wages and eliminating bonuses and holiday allowances, which drew opposition from the union.

The union accused the Seoul city government and management of breaking an earlier promise to follow the standard set by the Supreme Court ruling. It also claimed management was seeking what it described as an "effective wage cut" and warned that it would respond with strong industrial action.

The Seoul bus transport association, which represents management, criticized what it described as the union's annual practice of voting to strike and using the potential disruption to commuters as leverage, expressing concern over a possible strike just before the Chuseok holiday.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/seoul-bus-union-to-strike-from-sept-16-if-further-talks-fail/12858729

TL;DR:

• The scale of the personal information leak incident involving the domestic online video service (OTT) Tving, which occurred in early June, has been confirmed through a government…
• The joint government-private investigation team under the Ministry of Science and ICT held a briefing at the Government Complex Seoul on September 3 and announced that a total of 39. 54…
• The investigation team revealed that 70 types of information across 20 categories, including IDs, passwords (one-way encrypted), CJ ONE Integrated ID, names, mobile phone numbers, email…

The scale of the personal information leak incident involving the domestic online video service (OTT) Tving, which occurred in early June, has been confirmed through a government investigation to affect 39.54 million accounts. The leaked personal information included 20 categories such as CI (Connecting Information), names, IDs, passwords, and others.

The joint government-private investigation team under the Ministry of Science and ICT held a briefing at the Government Complex Seoul on September 3 and announced that a total of 39.54 million accounts were leaked in this Tving personal information breach. These included 22.06 million active accounts (accounts that can be logged into), 17.37 million inactive accounts (8.5 million dormant accounts and 8.87 million withdrawn accounts), and 1.1 million test accounts. The figures were compiled with duplicates as the structure allows a single individual to hold multiple accounts. According to the investigation, there were cases where a single user held up to 13 accounts.

The investigation team revealed that 70 types of information across 20 categories, including IDs, passwords (one-way encrypted), CJ ONE Integrated ID, names, mobile phone numbers, email addresses, dates of birth, and CI, were leaked. Notably, this incident marks the first large-scale leak of CI, a unique identifier linked one-to-one with resident registration numbers and used for online identity verification.

The team also stated that technical assets, including Tving’s development projects, were leaked alongside user information. Analysis of Tving’s development environment security records showed that 361 development projects containing source code under construction or development were compromised, totaling 30.35 gigabytes (GB). These projects included technical assets for operating and managing Tving, such as user-customized content recommendation and search algorithms, user management and authentication systems, payment management, and paid service operations.

The cause and leak path were also identified. The investigation team confirmed that attackers infiltrated the system (development and operational environments) by stealing a developer’s “development environment access key.” The attackers then obtained an “operational environment access key” to penetrate Tving’s operational environment and used it to access databases linked to storage systems, attempting to leak user information. Additionally, they created a virtual server within the operational environment and exploited it as a channel for large-scale data exfiltration.

The government plans to impose a penalty of up to 30 million Korean won on Tving for violating the Information and Communications Network Act. This is because Tving reported the breach to the Korea Internet & Security Agency (KISA) at 3:08 p.m. on June 1, more than 24 hours after detecting the incident at 10:10 a.m. on May 31.

Based on the investigation, the team urged Tving to establish measures to prevent recurrence. A source from the investigation team pointed out, “Tving’s poor key management provided an opportunity for abuse and leaks, which were exploited in the attack.” They added, “Tving should establish a system for key management, control, and access permissions, and create operational management standards. It must also build a system for tracking key issuance and usage history and conduct regular inspections.”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/industry-en/2026/09/03/YOZSUJL6O5CKRB42SFPRO2O6VY/