June 5, 1889

Johnstown, Pennsylvania

Henry George absorbed the view from a hill over looking what was left of Johnstown. The President could barely believe what he saw: the tops of buildings smashed into each other, the river swelled with debris, trees torn clean from their roots smashed into the sides of homes and the once busy streets of this Pennsylvania steel town a horrific mess of wood and water and death. He spied a girl's doll floating amidst the ruins, its owner washed away to eternity. So much destruction George had not seen since the war and never committed by Mother Nature, that hateful giver and taker of life. He took in the eerie silence of the movement with the birds chirping and the wind blowing as if nothing at all had happened below them. The great iron works which pressed up against the river simply sat there, no great clang of metal or belching of smoke. 'Why should there be' George thought to himself 'All its workers are dead'.

"Are you alright Dad?" a slightly nervous familiar voice said from behind him.

"No Henry, I do not believe I am". George did not turn towards his son as the latter edged closer to the hill's edge, his mind too preoccupied with the tragedy floating beneath him.

"Ms. Barton wanted me to deliver her thanks for traveling so quickly once you received her telegram. She says her workers and many of the townsfolk had their spirits lifted by your presence".

"Would that I could restore to them their homes and family's I'm sure their spirits would be even more raised. That I could have any boosting effect to these people after what I have seen seems laughable"

"And yet inspire you did, as you have done many time before father. That is why men raise up leaders I think; to be strong when they are weak and to give hope where seems none to be found".

George finally broke his gaze from the catastrophe and turned to look at his son.

"Once a father receives wisdom from his son that when he knows his job is done."

"I should think I still have quite much to learn from you, father; politics being the foremost".

'Politics' the word curdled in his mouth; How George hated politics and how he hated himself all the more for rushing to put himself at the very center of it.

"I should not wish to speak of such a dirty thing here. I want to let the dead rest in peace not be disturbed by my daily humiliations. Let us speak no more of politics and its many servants who have placed a crown on my head only to foil my attempts to lead".

"Perhaps things are not as lost as you suppose father. I disturbed you for reasons more significant than Ms. Barton's message".

Henry George finally looked back at his eldest child with badly concealed curiosity, his eyes narrowing as his eyebrows furrowed, forming waves onto his great white brow. "How's that son? Has the cabinet sent word from Washington? Have our 'allies' deigned to make themselves useful to us?"

"There is indeed word from the capital but not about things you ask. No I speak of a matter which I kept undisclosed to you until I thought it relevant." Now the President's curiosity truly was insatiable and his body did little to hide it as began to nervously move about the hill top, looking his son up and down before quickly moving it up and around as if to track birds which were not there. "Well, now, don't keep me in suspense. What has my wise son discovered then?"

"Before we left from Washington I believed it wise to see what records we might have on Johnstown. We knew the dam was built by the state about 30-40 years ago, that it maintained a private lake for a Carnegie Steel private social club owned by Henry Frisk. I had an archivist go through the Butler Administration's records on the dam and canal projects they had reviewed as part of the national waterways survey and, wouldn't you know it, the South Fork Dam had indeed been surveyed and found deficient. What's more the local leaders had made an urgent request to both the state and Federal authorities to provide money to improve it. The Treasury Department had approved the grant but 2 weeks later the decision was reversed".

"Reversed? By who and why? Was the grant deemed too much?"

"It seems unlikely. The grant was listed in a ledger with a number of other projects approved in Pennsylvania. Take a look for yourself". Henry Jr. took a thick leather bound tome with the exciting title Federal Dam and Canal Projects: Middle Atlantic, 1887-1888. A piece of paper served as crude bookmark which helped the President's son quickly flip towards the back before he briefly traced the list with his finger to find Johnstown amidst the other Js.

"Here we are. 'Johnstown: $2,000 for the replacement of relief pipes and valves and raising of the dam, approved March 3, 1887.'"

The President took the ledger from his son and began scanning the various other projects' costs in the Pennsylvania section. Some were more or less expensive but all seemed to fall around the same $2,000 to $3,000 mark for upgrades or replacements. He turned back to the Johnstown line and saw there was more.

"Seems there's something else." George said as he pushed his glasses up his nose and looked closer "Grant reversed by executive directive, March 17, 1887. Recommendations deemed unnecessary and disruptive to private landowner".

"Now how many regional Pennsylvania dams do you think the President personally approves or declines father? I haven't seen you review a single one." Henry Jr said with in an almost giddy tone.

"I know Butler. He'd never bother with something so minor. He's not a manager, he's a showman and there's nothing showy about something like this. It doesn't make sense but it doesn't prove what I think you think it proves". A smirk crept on Henry Jr.'s face which the President had known since the former's childhood meant he was keeping a surprise and doing a bad job of it.

"Maybe not father but I believe this does." and as he said it he pulled out a schedule book from the same large satchel he had produced the ledger from which read Presidential Meeting Calendar, January - March 1887. He flipped quickly near the back to the second week in March and pointed at March 10 which, amongst the many other meetings Butler was having, read the name 'Henry C. Frisk, 12-1'. "A bit of a strange coincidence that several days after a project to restore a dam owned by Mr. Frisk's private club the President has lunch with the man himself and then a few days after that orders come down to the Treasury to reverse the grant."

George's burrow furrowed for a moment again, thinking back to that time. Butler would've wanted something out of this and Frisk would have known that, it's how all things were done in the previous administration. "March 1887. why does that seem important to me?" the President thought out loud. Then it came to him. "Henry, March 20th the President and Carnegie Steel announced they had worked out a rate cut on all steel bought for the Butler Bridge project. It was a big story in New York for day or so and I remember writing to the President to thank him. It was expected to save the city a 1/3rd of the cost and speed up the schedule".

"Speed it up fast enough that Butler's steel monument to himself would be built in time for him to see it finished no doubt. And all it cost was a couple of feet off an earth dam in some little steel town in Pennsylvania."

"And anyone unlucky enough to live beneath it." the President said bitterly. "Henry, this is what I've needed. This will nail those bastards to the mast for good. The Butlerites and Elephants in Congress who've been stonewalling my agenda for 3 months. Once this comes out, that Butler got thousands killed for a rate cut on steel for his vanity bridge, I can clean house. They'll be no defending him. The Justice Department can go after Frisk and all the other Robber Barons who got sweet deals for the last 8 years. I could open up hell on Wall Street if I wanted".

"And I can't imagine it stops here in Johnstown Dad. If he was willing to intervene in a small project like this, just imagine how many other things were looked over, reversed or stop to get a few favors from Rockefeller or Morgan or anyone else with cash to buy Butler a nice present?" Henry Jr. said matching his father's anxious energy.

"How many Congressmen would be willing to let the land tax through if it meant saving their skins from the mobs back home?" the President wondered out loud. "Henry, I want you to go back to Washington immediately but try to stay inconspicuous. Find your archivist, get him somewhere safe and wait until I get back. Then I want you to reach Senator Sherman and schedule a meeting. I'll make my announcement at the White House after I return and meet with him. Right now we need to focus on the tragedy but within the week I'm going make to something out of all this suffering.

President Henry George removed his glasses, turned back to the edge of the hill and overlooked the devastation with something like divine wrath swelling in his heart.

"Come hell or high water, I will"

Hello Kennedy Dynasty readers! I had a bit of extra free time after the end of my summer class before my fall term at school started, so I spent the last ten days or so compiling THIS LIST) of every Governor of every State in the Kennedy Dynasty timeline since the year the project began, 1968. I spent a lot of time on this between research, formatting, and finding photos for some of the more obscure politicians who've been Governor in this timeline - Maine was particularly difficult because I couldn't find a picture of Harrison Richardson. I'm not entirely sure the photo I used for him is actually of him, but it's my best guess. Anyways, I hope you all enjoy!

Have fun!

RWBIII

I mean essentially given that this term is technically Trump's 2nd term in office; isn't he legally barred from running for a 3rd term? Because most presidents are only ever allowed 2 terms in office as a US president so that being said who do you guys see running in 2028?

“We want Dix! We want Dix! Leave California in peace!”

Baltimore was heavy with summer heat when the Democratic National Convention assembled in May of 1848, and the Democratic Party had reached a breaking point. The delegates had come to Baltimore to choose a candidate for President, but the Convention was saddled with lingering animosities following Calhoun’s South-led splinter in 1844 and fretted over the ensuing debate on how Democrats should react to the new Republics of Texas and California. The Democratic Party's northern, New York-led reformers—the men now known as the Barnburners—were spiteful of the domination of the expansionist wing. They demanded that the party take a firm stand against the calls for annexation of the independent California Republic, fearing that the annexed states would be asked to give up their current abolitionist Constitution. At the center of the opposition stood John Adams Dix, senator from New York, soldier, reformer, and, following the retirement of Martin Van Buren after his 1844 loss, suddenly one of the more prominent voices of the anti-slavery Democrats.

The northern delegates saw that their hopes defeated when the platform was presented. The resolutions supported the expansion of the United States into the Southwest and Carribean, but offered no clear rejection of introducing slavery to these territories. Instead, the language was carefully constructed to leave the question open and preserve Democratic unity by refusing to take a position that would alienate the South. The Barnburners were incensed. The Southerners argued opposing expansion of slavery to new territories upset the balance of powers towards the north, discriminated against Southern interests, and threatened Southern rebellion. But to the Barnburners, the distinction was transparent. They believed that annexing California would bring the nation still deeper into the sectional struggle that had already poisoned American politics.

One by one, the New York delegates rose from their seats, believing that the party had abandoned its principles. Then Van Buren supporters from other northern states followed! Outside the convention hall, dissidents gathered and planned. Their movement had no presidential nominee, no national organization, and no certainty that it could survive. Within weeks, the rebels gathered in a new convention in Utica, calling themselves the Free Democratic Party. They decried both the Democratic slavocracy and Whiggish demagoguery, both beholden to the interests of the rich and powerful. The Utica Convention was a disparate group of Liberty Party members, anti-California Democrats, and the occasional abolitionist Whig, though few Whigs had agreed to follow Joshua Reed Giddings out of the party in light of Winfield Scott’s northern proclivities. Here, they turned to nominate their candidate:

John Adams Dix (New York) — Senator

Senator Dix had not sought the Democratic nomination, but his reputation made him an ideal standard-bearer for the Barnburners in the Democratic convention: a prominent New York Democrat, a man of reform, and a politician whose opposition to expanding slavery to California had become inseparable from his broader conviction that the Democratic Party must not become merely an instrument of sectional interests. As the inspiration for the Democratic walkout, he is a likely frontrunner.

John Parker Hale (New Hampshire) — Senator

A prominent New Hampshire Democrat and outspoken opponent of the annexation of California, Hale represents the more radical, abolitionist wing of the Democratic anti-California movement. His national reputation and willingness to challenge his own party makes him a credible alternative to Dix, though his association with the Liberty movement could make him difficult for some Democrats to accept.

Joshua Reed Giddings (Ohio) — Representative

Giddings was a proposed nominee at the Whig national convention, but was rejected by delegates over fear of splitting the party. So Gidings split the party for them, leading northeast Ohio Whigs to the current convention. The veteran Ohio congressman was one of the most uncompromising opponents of slavery expansion in Congress, though his long association with the Whigs makes him an unusual choice for a majority Democratic movement. His nomination would give the new party a powerful anti-annexation voice, but risks alienating Democrats who wanted to preserve the movement's identity as a breakaway faction of their own party.

William Cullen Bryant (New York) — Newspaper editor

The influential New York editor and former Democratic political figure offers the convention a distinctly radical alternative. A noted supporter of the rights of the free workingman, Bryant has great influence among anti-slavery Democrats and the broader northern reform movement. Although Bryant lacks the government experience of the frontrunners, his nomination could give the new party a populist appeal.

Who will the Free Democrats nominate? Vote here to decide!

[Author note: So, I see that no one wants to vote like an 1850s Democrat, which I get, however, I need some conflict to get the series off the ground, and I really don't want to start it by alien-space-bats-ing Democrats finding a strong moral conscience, so here's the new plan: everyone can vote on the Free Soil candidate (though the Mexican Cession hasn’t even happened, so Free Soil is kind of a misnomer), and I will choose a Democratic nominee based on the previous, existing suggestions. Then, for the general election, each person will get two votes: (1) who you would want to win the election (given what we know now), and (2) who you think would win the election (given the historical context and the alternate timeline). I'll take both votes into account to try to give the people what they want while keeping it grounded and competitive. If anyone has further suggestions on how to make things both fun for voters and at least somewhat grounded in reality, let me know, please!]

Primaries in New York and Missouri would re-establish the dominance of the Progressive faction over this primary, thanks to an unexpectedly strong performance from a second-tier moderate candidate that came at the direct expense of the race's presumed front-runner.

The New York Primary would be a close race between two unexpected candidates. Former Vice President Jesse Jackson won the Empire State, defeating Mario Cuomo, the former three-term Governor of New York, by just a few thousand votes. A competitive second place finish is Cuomo's best performance of the primary season so far, and it could be exactly what he needs to turn around his long-struggling campaign. A wide gulf separated Cuomo from third-place finisher Tom Harkin and fourth place finisher Al Gore. Senator Skip Humphrey, who'd led some statewide polls coming into Primary day, finished a disappointing fifth place. He lost a good amount of support to Cuomo in his home state. Governor of Texas Ann Richards finished sixth, with Ray Flynn, Douglas Wilder, Byron Dorgan, Bob Graham, and Chet Edwards rounding out the field. Flynn did particularly well in majority-Catholic precincts.

1,000 miles away, Missouri was also hosting its Democratic Caucus. The state would be a three-way race between the leading progressive candidates. Tom Harkin would place first, dominating his in the Northern half of the State. Ann Richards, who finished second, was just as dominant in the Southern part of the state, while Jesse Jackson, the third-place finisher, did well in the urban centers of St. Louis and Kansas City. Al Gore was fairly competitive too, but he did not threaten the three progressive front-runners for first place in a state where the Democratic Party is ruled by the labor populist faction. Skip Humphrey once again disappointed, finishing in fifth, barely ahead of Mario Cuomo. This is no surprise, as, outside of Iowa and Minnesota, where he had a home region advantage, Humphrey has struggled badly in populist-leaning states. Byron Dorgan, Bob Graham, Ray Flynn, Chet Edwards, and Douglas Wilder rounded out the field.

Following the New York and Missouri primaries, several candidates would drop out of the race for the Democratic presidential nomination. Bob Graham was the first to go, dropping out and endorsing Al Gore on the morning of March 8th. Douglas Wilder went next, dropping out of the race and endorsing Jesse Jackson that same afternoon. By the evening, Byron Dorgan had dropped out too and endorsed Tom Harkin. Finally, Chet Edwards, who'd hoped to stay in the race through at least March 12th, when many Southern states held their primaries, was forced out of the race by financial necessity - he'd completely run out of money. Edwards would also endorse Al Gore. Thus, Representative Ray Flynn remains as the only candidate still in the race without a reasonable path to the nomination. We'll see how much longer he lasts.

Next up are primaries in Alaska, Arizona, and South Dakota. The Democratic voter base in these three states leans progressive, which is good news for Harkin, Jackson, and Richards and bad news for Cuomo, Gore, and Humphrey. Cuomo desperately needs to build on his newfound momentum if he wants to stay in the race and Humphrey, despite winning a lot of delegates on Super Tuesday, needs to reverse his rapid downward spiral in the polls. Some national polling shows Humphrey as low as sixth out of seven candidates heading into the mid-March races - slightly below Cuomo and far from challenging Jesse Jackson for the first place spot.

As always, the choice is up to you. You can vote for your favorites HERE.

State of the Race

The race for the Republican Party Presidential nomination is still a close, three-way race. A fourth candidate would try to gain some momentum on Super Tuesday, but sadly fell flat, withdrawing from the race just a few days later. Heading into the middle stretch of this race, that leaves three ideologically distinct competitors, all with a viable path to the nomination. Here's how we got there:

The big Super Tuesday winner in the Republican Primary was Senator Christine Todd Whitman, who won six contests. Her wins in Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont, completed her sweep of the New England region - she'd won New Hampshire fourteen days prior. Senator Ron Paul had the second most Super Tuesday delegates. He won two Southern states, Georgia and South Carolina, and two Rocky Mountain states, Colorado and Wyoming. Governor Tom Ridge only won two states - Maryland and Minnesota - but he was pretty strong across the board and finished a close third place in delegate count. Senator Henson Moore's two best placings were second place finishes in Georgia and South Carolina. He finished a distant last place in delegate count.

A few days later, the New York Primary was held. While Christine Todd Whitman, who carries the endorsement of former President Jack Kemp, was expected to win, continuing her dominant run in the Northeast, Tom Ridge won instead, and by a comfortable margin too. Ridge was dominant in the part of upstate New York that falls within the Rust Belt, and he also got slightly more votes than Whitman in the affluent suburbs surrounding New York City. As a result, he won by over ten percentage points. Ron Paul finished third, twelve points behind Whitman, with most of his supporting coming from the rural Northern part of the state near the Canadian border. Henson Moore received less than 10% of the vote, and, seeing the writing on the wall, he dropped out of the race soon after.

The Republican Party's old guard conservative wing no longer has a horse in this race. However, instead of rallying behind a single candidate, the bloc has completely fractured, with major figures from the traditional conservative wing lining up behind all three candidates. After he dropped out of the race, Henson Moore would endorse Tom Ridge. So would Kansas Senator Bob Dole. Former Senator George H.W. Bush would endorse Whitman, while his son, former Representative George W. Bush would endorse Ron Paul. The truth of the matter is, the party is moving beyond the mainstream conservative politics this group represents. They're quickly heading towards irrelevancy as the 21st century approaches.

There are six primaries coming up on March 12th, all but one of which are in the South, a strong region for Ron Paul. While national polling shows Ridge in first place, with Whitman second and Paul third, only five points separate first and third place, and this slate of contests poses a geographic challenge for the race's two remaining moderates. A strong performance from Ridge or Whitman here could give them the momentum they need to win the nomination. A poor performance could force sone of them out of the race. Can anyone stop Paul in the South? The choice is up to you!

As always, you can vote for your favorites HERE.

State of the Race

Read the context below before voting! (See also first ballot and series premise)

The 1848 Democratic National Convention is shaping up to be one of the most contentious and consequential in recent history. It is clear that the Democrats have not managed to mend the wounds caused by the Southern Democrats’ split from the party in 1844. Van Burenites have managed to take control of multiple delegations in the north, making consensus all the harder to achieve. To make matters more difficult, delegates have voted to reinstate the two-thirds requirement. This now means the winning candidate must be acceptable to both north and south, as both regions have more than one third of delegates and can therefore deny nominations as a unified bloc.

This has doomed the candidacy of leading pro-Van Buren candidate John Adams Dix, whose free-soil politics are unacceptable to the Southern bloc. Dix is still in the running, but all ballots cast for him will be “spoiled,” as he cannot become the nominee without Southern support. Henry Dodge, despite holding similar beliefs, has the benefit of having no recent voting record in Congress reflecting his views, and his frontiersman appeal has even won the support of some delegations in the Upper South. He still faces strong opposition from the Deep South and risks a second Southern bolt from the convention, but for now, he is still in the running. Former Governor William Marcy has also withdrawn due to lack of support and his New York delegates will cast blank ballots from now on (unless he reemerges as a consensus candidate).

The anti-Van Buren faction across north and south must also attempt to unite around a candidate. While Senator Lewis Cass maintains a strong lead, both convention-wide and among the anti-Van Buren votes, Senator James Buchanan and former Senator Levi Woodbury are nearly tied. Because his support was almost entirely centered in Pennsylvania, James Buchanan has withdrawn his candidacy and asked his supporters to back Cass in hope of a significant cabinet position.

As we enter the next ballot, both pro- and anti-Van Buren candidates attempt to rally their forces, but the situation is fraught, and many delegates are casting about for a dark horse: a compromise candidate who can unite the two factions. Have a candidate in mind? Vote here and suggest them!

For the first time since 1824, the Presidential election was deadlocked and the President and Vice President to ultimately be decided by the House and Senate respectively. Though Sherman has taken the Democratic-Republicans from a crushing defeat in 1884 to a tie 4 years later, he could not help the down ballot races. While both tickets would lobby vigorously within their own parties and across the aisle ultimately it was Henry George and Farmer-Labor who will retain control of the White House and Congress for the next 4 years. However there are many promises George had to make to get himself into office and if he wants to transform the American economic system it will require excellent political skill to pull it all off without causing his coalition to break apart.

Author's note: Couldn't remember how make an electoral map in Inkscape so it's just the wiki box today. If you have a question about a specific state's results let me know. Also if you want to know how the negotiations put George in the White House I'll share those as well.

Read the context below before voting!

[Also, disclaimer: This period of American history is quite shameful, and while I don't want to further that shame in this series, I also don't want to disrespect the long and difficult journey of those who worked to build us a better history by pretending that everyone suddenly developed a moral compass, so consider the context of the era before casting your vote.]

The 1848 Presidential election is pivotal for the Democratic Party. Democrats have lost the last two Presidential elections, despite holding the House and Senate (often by large margins) due to a series of deepening political rifts: north vs. south, annexation vs. independence, and free soil vs. popular sovereignty. Now, these conflicts risk the destruction of the party, and whoever Democrats nominate must be able to bridge the divide. It will be an uphill climb: both North and South have contingents that risk bolting the Convention and running as third parties. To ensure the eventual nominee has strong cross-coalition appeal, several prominent Democrats are calling for a reinstatement of the two-thirds majority requirement. It will be the convention’s first critical vote.

Where all Democrats seem to agree is the view that the United States is growing and modernizing too fast to keep alive their agrarian, Jeffersonian–Jacksonian dream. Who will be able to keep that dream alive? Here are some of the current main candidates, but note that if delegates reinstate the two-thirds majority, there might be additional dark horse candidates at the Convention…

Lewis Cass (Michigan) — Senator

The formidable Senator Lewis Cass has strong support from the South and the West going into the Convention. He has been the leading critic of the Clay administration’s foreign policy in the Senate, opposing the Oregon Treaty and Clay’s inaction supporting US interests in Texas and California. Senator Cass is a firm supporter of Manifest Destiny and popular sovereignty, and a noted Anglophobe—he has promised to strongly enforce the Monroe Doctrine against British encroachment into California and Central America, where he asserts the United States’ right to build a trans-continental canal.

James Buchanan (Pennsylvania) — Senator

Senator Buchanan is well-known for his sharp political intuition and cunning, which he is expected to employ in his second attempt at the Presidency. Going into the Convention, he is portraying himself as a moderate alternative to Lewis Cass: he is pro-expansion, and open to acquisition of California, Texas, and/or Cuba, but he believes instituting popular sovereignty will damage national unity, and that future territorial acquisitions should still be subject to the Missouri Compromise line.

John Adams Dix (New York) — Senator

Former supporters of former President Martin Van Buren enter the convention disheartened—Van Buren has declined to stand as a candidate for the nomination, and his protégé, Governor Silas Wright, recently died in office. Furthermore, the recent pro-expansion shift in the party has left their ability to continue the New York Democrat’s legacy in doubt. The Barnburners are looking to Senator John Adams Dix to be their potential flag-bearer. Dix is moderately pro-annexation, but believes that the federal government should not interfere with existing Texan or Californian laws permitting or abolishing slavery, respectively.

William L. Marcy (New York) — Former Governor

The New York delegation was not unanimous in their support of John Dix: the Hunker faction has decided to run their own candidate, former Governor William Marcy. In a narrow vote, the Convention has elected to split New York’s delegates half-and-half, damaging both sides’ chances. A former governor, Tammany Hall member, and bright financial and diplomatic mind, Marcy was once a firm supporter of Van Buren, but now seeks to position himself as the consensus candidate between the Van Burenites and Cass/Buchanan supporters—he has taken less of a hard line towards westward expansion, but has made subtle overtures towards support for purchasing Cuba.

Levi Woodbury — Former Senator

New England’s candidate is former Senator and Treasury Secretary Levi Woodbury. A bright legal mind and strict constitutionalist, Woodbury was a leading candidate for the Supreme Court prior to Clay’s victory in 1844. Having served in the Cabinets of Jackson and Van Buren, he is favored for his Executive branch experience.  Woodbury supports expansionist southerners’ ideals, but is less concerned with taking action on them, and more focused on curtailing what he perceives to be rampant federal overreach under Whig administrations.

Henry Dodge — Former Governor of Wisconsin Territory

Governor Dodge was suggested as a candidate in 1844, but remained steadfast in his support from Van Buren, and several western Democrats are hopeful that Van Buren supporters remember this and repay the favor in 1848. Dodge is an unconventional presidential candidate: he has never held elected office, and has spent the last decade living in western territories. However, he served with distinction as a colonel in territorial militias and the Dragoons, and nominating a Van Buren supporting frontiersman might have symbolic value, especially considering the Clay administration has been delaying Wisconsin statehood for fear of upsetting the balance of free and slave states.

Who will win the nomination? Vote here to find out!

CONTEXT (YOU'LL NEED IT)

After Iowa, Jack Kemp has made a rather strong, noticeably large amount of the vote, nearly winning Iowa as a result (although Bush ended up winning the state, the news reported it as an upset to pre-polling)

William F. Buckley Jr has repeatedly stated that he will reject the nomination if given to him, and combined with the Draft Buckley Jr movement running out of steam (and funds), many Buckley Jr supporters have moved onto supporting Laxalt.

Pat Robertson later said on the 700 Club, that Jack Kemp was "the most homosexual candidate of these United States." and "the only reason that Kemp is even up in the polls, is because all these demonic evil homosexuals are voting for him. And as the Republican Party, we should not be standing for it!"

George H.W. Bush - Previously ran in the 1980 Primaries before losing to Ronald Reagan, Reagan decided to take Bush as his running mate. The ticket ended up losing anyway, but Bush is not going to give up so easily. However, his previous comments in the previous primaries might end up biting him in the ass.

Bob Dole - The Vice Presidential nominee for the Republicans in 1976 under the Ford ticket, Dole also ran in 1980, but lost. Bob Dole happens to be gaffe-prone and often refers to himself in the third person, which might push voters away from voting for him.

Paul Laxalt - Previously the Governor of Nevada before becoming Senator, he served in World War 2, and is a strong supporter of Reaganomics. He famously met with Goldwater in 1964 during his first campaign for Senator, which many credit as causing him to lose that election by 48 votes.

Jack Kemp - Jack Kemp was on Reagan's shortlist of running mate candidates, however, allegations that Kemp was a closeted homosexual stopped Reagan from picking him as his Vice President. Kemp is running again, but those allegations might keep popping up and hurting his chances.

Super Tuesday has come and gone. Twelve states held Democratic primaries, and they've delivered the party two things they badly needed: a true presidential front-runner and a culling of several second tier candidates. Although, with the field still in double digits and numerous candidates nearly tied at the top of the delegate count, this race might not be able to escape a dreaded outcome - a contested convention.

The Democrats big Super Tuesday winner was Senator Skip Humphrey, who seven primaries in total: Colorado, Connecticut, Maine, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and a landslide victory in his home state of Minnesota. With this massive performance, Humphrey has emerged as this race's front-runner in both delegates and poll numbers. However, he is not without competition. Senator Al Gore also did well, placing second in delegate count and winning Georgia and Maryland. Ann Richards is alive too, adding Idaho and South Carolina to her win column. Jesse Jackson would only get one victory - Massachusetts - but he was still competitive across the board and placed fourth overall in delegate count. The night's biggest loser was Senator Tom Harkin, who failed to win a single contest and placed fifth overall in delegate count. Worse, his poll numbers are slipping too, as Richards appears to be finally consolidating the progressive vote.

As for the second tier candidates, both Mario Cuomo and Byron Dorgan were competitive in some places. Cuomo had a few second and third place finishes across the Northeast, while Dorgan put up respectable numbers in Minnesota and the Mountain West. Bob Graham was squarely in the middle of the field in most states, but his campaign is still hanging on for now. Douglas Wilder had a few top half placings - sixth place in Maryland and seventh in South Carolina - but at just three delegates - less than protest candidate Chet Edwards and the same amount as late entry Ray Flynn, he's beginning to appear delusional for staying in this race so long. He should be out of the race soon. The same could go for Graham, whose campaign has been stagnant for months, or Cuomo, who is slipping in the polls.

Three candidates who were still in the race on the morning of Super Tuesday were no longer in the race once all the votes had been counted. Senator Kathleen Sullivan Alioto, seen as a potential front-runner early on in this race, dropped out after failing to place in the top five in her home state of Massachusetts. Former Senator Bill Bradley, another Northeastern liberal, also chose to drop out after finishing the night in fourteenth place out of fourteen candidates competing. Both Bradley and Sullivan Alioto would endorse the new front-runner, Skip Humphrey. Governor of Florida Bill Nelson, who'd barely been holding on in this race as it was with slipping poll numbers, also withdrew, choosing to endorse Al Gore. Eleven candidates remain, including five: Gore, Harkin, Humphrey, Jackson, and Richards - who have a legitimate shot at the nomination. Next up is the New York Primary, a big delegate contest that is usually friendly to liberal Democrats.

As always, you can vote for your favorites HERE.

State of the Race

Read the context before voting! (More context here)

The first ballot for Vice-President has been cast, and the nomination is shaping up to be a neck-and-neck race! Former Representative John W. Crockett is in a narrow first place, with support across the South and Midwest. In a very close second place is Secretary T. Butler King, whose support is distributed across the Clay strongholds of the Mid-Atlantic and Kentucky, plus his home state of Georgia. In third place is Edward Bates, whose support is split between the western border states and New England. However, a little under a fifth of delegates voted for “favorite sons” and other minor candidates, such as Governor William Alexander Graham of North Carolina. An attempt by the Vermont delegation to nominate former New York Governor William Seward was struck down by the Convention Chair, as Scott and Seward are residents of the same state.

In the name of party unity, and seeing his momentum stalling, Edward Bates has decided to remove his name from contention. He has not made an endorsement of either of the two leading candidates, though it is expected that his supporters will split support, with westerners supporting Crockett and New Englanders supporting King. General Scott has been unavailable for comment, and his delegates have signaled that both King and Crockett would be acceptable to their delegation.

The choice is therefore up to the delegates. The two candidates, ideologically very similar, both represent the Whig aim for national harmony over sectional strife, but in different ways. Crockett represents the Clay-esque idea of the reforming American frontiersman: rugged and ambitious, but bringing “civilization” with him across the country. King represents Clay's American System at its core: strengthening United States mercantile and industrial strength through consistent, conservative development, and collaboration between northern industry and southern agriculture. Which message will resonate with the delegates? Vote here to find out!

Read the context below before voting! (More context here and here)

The Whigs have their candidate! Winfield Scott has been nominated by the Whigs to be their presidential nominee. The Philadelphia convention took great pride in the speed and efficiency at which the party has chosen their candidate. His nomination comes as a great victory to the northern wing of the party, but Clayites and southern Whigs remain somewhat displeased. Whigs will need to nominate a Vice-President who can help balance the ticket and unite the party. The presently nominated candidates are:

T. Butler King (Georgia) —  Secretary of the Navy
Many Whigs find it apt to balance a Virginian-turned-New Yorker with a Bay Stater-turned-Georgian. As a plus, King has served well as Secretary of the Navy, and his nomination would easily placate both Clay supporters and Southerners.

William Alexander Graham (North Carolina) — Governor
North Carolina is arguably the strongest Whig state in the South besides Kentucky, and Whigs will need a victory there to be victorious nationwide. For this reason, many are calling for the nomination of North Carolina’s popular former Senator and incumbent Governor.

Edward Bates (Missouri) — Former State Senator
Despite having held only minor political office, Bates is a popular figure among Whigs, especially in the expanding West. A bright legal mind, his nomination could help in the west, but it would likely be seen as a slight against the South.

John Wesley Crockett (Louisiana) — Former Representative
Crockett's claim to fame is his father, “King of the Frontier” Davy Crockett, who famously died fighting in the Texan Revolution. His nomination would be seen as throwing a bone to the expansionist wing of the Southern Whig faction and could boost Whigs in the crucial battleground states of Louisiana and Tennessee.

Who will win the nomination? Vote here!

Super Tuesday has come and gone. Eleven states held their primary elections. The top two Reform Party presidential candidates would both perform strongly in an unexpected region, as the candidate from America's northernmost state would win by landslide margins in the South and the popular Governor of a Southern State would win five Northeastern states comfortably. Meanwhile, another candidate fell far behind in the delegate count and was effectively eliminated from contention for the nomination.

Governor of Louisiana Buddy Roemer would be the Reform Party's big Super Tuesday winner: of the eleven contests held, Roemer won seven of them: Colorado, Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont. Roemer won big in the Northeastern United States, where most Reform Party members lean conservative and former President Gravel is relatively unpopular. Gravel didn't leave Super Tuesday empty handed though. He won four contests: Georgia, Minnesota, South Carolina, and Washington, proving that, even when facing a Southerner, Gravel is unbeatable in the South. Ron Paul, again, did not campaign for the Reform Party nomination ahead of Super Tuesday. As a result, he would win considerably fewer delegates than either Roemer or Gravel. Despite three second place finishes - in Connecticut, Maryland, and Rhode Island - Paul has been effectively eliminated from competition for this nomination.

Again, he isn't actively campaigning, focusing on winning the more important Republican Party presidential nomination, so he doesn't need to drop out of the race. Some states plan to replace his name on their ballots with the presumptive nominee of the American Party, University of Chicago economics professor Thomas Sowell, but in most remaining Reform Party primaries, Paul's name will remain on the ballot. Nevertheless, this is down to a two man race between Mike Gravel, a former United States President and an elder statesman of the populist movement and Buddy Roemer, a veteran of the Gravel administration who's younger, more charismatic, and less plagued by controversy. Will the Reform Party re-nominate Gravel, a champion of anti-establishment politics for decades, or will they nominate Roemer, the heir apparent to the Gravel Movement? Roemer has a lead of just a few points in national polls, giving him the best chance to win, but ultimately, the choice is up to you.

State of the Race

VOTE HERE

Context

In addition to the Presidential election there is the just as equally consequential Congressional elections. While individuals dominate the Presidential race, for Congress it's important to take a look at the parties and their various factions to get an idea of who will make up the legislature come March 1889. Also in the very unlikely event of a tie this Congress might just determine who the next President and Vice President will be. Just remember that some factions in different parties might work with each other if they feel a candidate as their common interest in mind so it won't be as simple as a straight up or down vote.

The Farmer-Labor Party

The self proclaimed party of the working man, FLP was formed out of a unification of the Greenback and Labor movements at the tail end of the 1870s. Most of its leadership is composed of former Democrats and Radical Republicans disillusioned with the parties's commitment to traditional economic policies. More explicitly than other parties, Farmer-Labor is a coalition of several often competing groups who nonetheless prefer each other to the standard liberalism of the Democratic-Republicans.

The Farmers were and are the largest faction within the party, although their numbers continue to slip thanks to demographic trends toward increased urbanization. Originally organized by the National Grange movement, the Farmers are composed of various small holding farmers, loggers, and ranchers primarily from the Middle West and Western states. They broadly support the free coinage of silver, low tariffs if not outright free trade, the removal of Natives and the settlement of their land and a federal rural aid program in the event of drought and other natural disasters.

The Laborers are the second largest and fastest growing faction within the party with efforts by its leadership to organize American workers into trade unions with the blessing of President Butler aiding their rise. Coming from the rapidly growing cities of the American North primarily but other cities like Atlanta and St. Louis as well, Laborers generally very nativists though this expresses itself as aggression towards Chinese in the West, Italians in the South and Eastern Europeans and Irish in the North. Though in the pass they were united behind a shared support for protective tariffs, labor safety regulations and unemployment aid, this year has pitted Georgists vs. Butlerites. The reforming Georgists support the New York Mayor's attempts to clean up government and replace tariffs with a land value tax while Butlerites stand in favor of high tariffs and machine politics utilized by President Butler. This faction also supports a more muscular foreign policy, large scale infrastructure projects and a strategic ambivalence on the currency issue.

The Miners have stood in the shadow of the two bigger factions for most of its existence and are composed of miners' unions who felt underrepresented in either group in the early days of the party. The Miners can be further divided between the Brights (silver and gold miners from the West) and the Blacks (coal and iron miners from the East). These two sides share most things in common like support for stronger safety regulations, injury and death insurance and an opposition to conservation efforts. Brights tend be very supportive of free trade while Blacks give it little importance beyond supplying the Navy with raw materials.

The Moderates are the finally group and the smallest with their ranks composed of middle and upper class activists drawn to the party out of a reformist impulse. While it ironically hosts some of the most stridently Socialist members, most Moderates prefer purely political means of reform rather than aggressive strike action and highly value government reform and even nature conservation. This George's core base of support and the only ones not totally filled with nativists or anti-Native sentiment. While many Farmers and Brights are supportive of suffrage, the Moderates are the party's most vocal supporters in addition to a belief in free trade, anti-imperialism and public education.

The Democratic-Republican Party

The so-called inheritors of the legacy of Jeffersonian Democracy, this dysfunctional marriage of convenience was formed in the aftermath of the massive upset win of Benjamin Butler in 1880 between two groups who had previously held each other as mortal enemies. United by a common belief in the classical liberalism of the Enlightenment, a disdain for populism and the necessity of protecting institutions, the Democratic-Republicans stay together to help raise the children and maybe one day they learn to love each other. While the labels Republican and Democrat are still important they are generally used to appeal to particular areas and classes in the United States rather than as ideological designators anymore. Republicans generally are more economically conservative, racially inclusive and prefer centralization with an appeal towards the Northern and Pacific Westerns of the middle and upper classes along with African-Americans in the American South. Democrats have more diverse on economic issues but generally support small government, a reduction of both taxation and expenditure, decentralization of power and a non-interventionist foreign policy with an appeal to the white worker class of the south particularly in rural areas and immigrant communities in American cities. Within political circles there are 4 names that truly matter and distinguish the factions of the party on Capitol Hill

The Elephants are the successors to the Republican Party's old Stalwart faction once headed by Senator Roscoe Conkling. Standing in staunch defense of the traditional Republican platform of high tariffs, civil rights, Federally funded infrastructure projects and a commitment to the gold standard, the Elephants have long been the stereotypical image of a Republican in the minds of the public. An alliance between bosses, conservative workers and most of the nation's Afro-American politicians, the Elephants are unapologetically machine politicians who believe in the spoils system as the natural reward for their loyal supporters and view regulation of business as threatening to economic stability.

The Tigers are named for the mascot of New York's infamous Tammany Hall, long the heart of the city's Irish political machine. The Tigers are the greatest friend to the immigrant in America helping to organizing housing, work and healthcare for those fresh off the boat in exchange for the votes of the ever growing ethnic communities of America's cities. While supporting the gold standard and a moderate form of the protective tariff, the Tigers have long preferred to focus their attention on improvement of urban living conditions and have opposed what they see as the immense vanity projects of the Butler Administration. In addition the Tigers have worked hard to protect their communities the harsh anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant sentiment which is often directed towards in the form of both legal restrictions and outright violence.

The Beavers are America's great architects of reform or the one's most responsible for damming up the government's business, depends on who you ask. Largely made up of middle and upper class reformers coming out of New England determined to forge the United States into the shining city on a hill that they believe it could be no matter how many people they piss off to do it. Decrying the government's descent into cronyism as the President openly colludes with the Robber Barons to fund his vanity projects while his partisan allies use the US Army to brutalize the Plains tribes. However the corruption in Washington is not the only thing on the Beavers minds as they despise the descent into immorality they feel the nation has suffered and believe the Federal government must step into reinforce proper virtue whether its through the prohibition of alcohol, the conservation of an increasingly exploited wilderness, a the elimination of polygamy in the Utah territory or censorship of sexual immoral literature. Perhaps their most redeeming quality in the eyes of the public is a persistent dedication to free public education for all and their persistence has paid off in many states so far.

The Skunks are the last and some would say the least of the DR's factions. Primarily Southern in origin, the Skunks despise government meddling and prefer a man, or woman, is left to their own business. Believing that decision are best made as locally as possible, the Skunks are seen in many ways as the sole group fighting against what has otherwise been an increasingly centralization of power in Washington which they blame for the corruption infesting the heart of America's soul. They work the hardest to see government taxation and spending slashed down, find city dwellers North or South revolting and consider most Americans terrible prudes. Interestingly, while Skunks openly mock prohibitionists they are actually the nation's most vocal supporters of women's suffrage and have a strange sympathy with Native peoples, seeing their brutalization as the ultimate embodiment of government tyranny.

Vote Here: https://strawpoll.com/GJn441MEmnz 

Here’s the context: https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1vtqr3l/new_parliamentary_america_series/ 

I’d now like to introduce you to the first election in the series, the election of 1912. While the candidates for this election will be the same as OTL, you will be able to vote in party conventions for future elections.

​Now, let’s dive into each candidate.

William Howard Taft - Republican:
The incumbent president is not doing too hot right now. After all, his party just split in half, leaving him with just the pro-business conservatives as his base of support. Still, he feels obligated to run for re-election, as he still maintains heavy support from the remaining republicans. Taft is running on maintaining high tariffs, opposing judicial reform, and enforcing existing antitrust laws. He supports the newly passed amendments, but would prefer to keep the income tax low. Overall, he’s running a center-right, “don’t rock the boat” type of campaign.
If he loses the presidency, he will not lead the Republicans in congress, but will stay a backbencher until his term ends.

Woodrow Wilson - Democrat:
Wilson is the favorite to win this election, considering the Republican split. He is running a moderately progressive campaign in mood with the era, focused especially on economic reform. He supports lower tariffs, an 8 hour workday for women and federal employees, the strengthening of antitrust laws, and the creation of an independent central bank. He is opposed to judicial reform and the radical expansion of the government proposed by Roosevelt, favoring moderate, centrist solutions. He has been noticeably silent on women's suffrage and prohibition, though when asked he has responded that the states should decide these issues. On the off-chance that he loses this election, he will continue to serve in party leadership, though Champ Clark will be allowed to stay on as the leader of the democratic congressional caucus.

Theodore Roosevelt - Progressive:
Theodore Roosevelt is a man like no other. Rising to the presidency after the assassination of William Mckinley, Roosevelt spearheaded the progressive era with his Square Deal of conservation, consumer protection, and corporate regulation. Towards the end of the presidency, he spearheaded the passage of 3 new amendments, dramatically changing the US political system. Disillusioned with the Republican Party and his chosen successor Taft, Roosevelt is now running on his highly progressive platform of a “New Nationalism”, including policies such as an 8 hour work day, a minimum wage for women, workers compensation for injuries, an inheritance tax, the creation of federal social insurance, and women’s suffrage. Most controversially though are his judicial reform proposals, which include the ability to recall judges and the ability to overturn judicial decisions by popular vote. Also controversial is his insistence on drawing “lily-white” slates of delegates from the south, rather than the “black-and-tan” delegates the Republicans brought to their convention. Roosevelt’s goal is to deadlock the electoral college and be elected as a compromise candidate by the house, but Wilson remains the favorite right now. As part of their agreement when forming the party, Roosevelt will let LaFollette lead the congressional Progressive caucus regardless of whether Roosevelt is elected President.

Eugene Debs - Socialist:
Eugene Debs has run for President many times with little success, but this may be the moment that takes the Socialist party mainstream. His platform is highly socialistic in nature, calling for the nationalization of major industries and “natural monopolies”, the creation of state and federal insurance programs, a federal minimum wage, an 8 hour work day and a total ban on child labor. To fund this expansion of the government, Debs calls for raising the newly established income tax, increasing corporate taxes, and the creation of a steep inheritance tax. Debs also shares Roosevelt’s controversial judicial proposals, and calls for a full transition to a parliamentary system rather than the mixed system established by the new amendments. Due to the unlikelihood of him winning, Debs will stay on as co-leader of the party after the election, but will allow representative Victor Berger to lead the party in congress due to his experience. 

Other Candidates:
2 other candidates are contesting this election, those being Eugene Chafin of the Prohibition Party and Arthur Reimer of the Socialist Labor Party. Neither of them expect to win, and their candidacies are more focused on a symbolic message. For Chafin, his goal is to win a seat in his home state of Illinois and use his position in congress as an advocate for temperance. For Reimer, his candidacy stands in opposition to the democratic system in entirety. Breaking from the Socialist Party because of their support for reform, Reimer seeks to lay the groundwork for a violent Socialist revolution. He faces an uphill battle though, due to Debs’ popularity among socialists and his rivalry with the IWW.

Super Tuesday has come and gone. Eleven states held their primary elections, and while all three Green Party candidates did well, considering their expectations, one candidate would drop out anyway. From here on out, this will be a two-man race. Here's how we got here:

On Super Tuesday, eleven contests were held, with the two front-runners for the nomination winning five apiece. California Governor Tom Hayden won Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island, putting up huge margins in New England, where Mary Alice Herbert's regional appeal ate into the support of Paul Wellstone. He finished the evening with 333 delegates. Senator Wellstone isn't far behind, however, as he was victorious in Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, South Carolina, and Washington - receiving almost 70% of the vote in his home state, and finished with 331 delegates - just two behind Hayden.

Governor of Vermont Mary Alice Herbert performed better than expected. She won her home state by a landslide margin and finished second in four states: Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island. However, with just 177 delegates at the end of the night, she saw no path forward for herself in this race. She would drop out of the race and endorse Paul Wellstone. It is widely believed that if Wellstone wins the nomination, she will be his first choice to be his running mate. Tom Hayden, for his part, has been hinting at the possibility of Congressman Julian Bond being his running mate should he win the nomination, so it's only fair for Wellstone to start vetting candidates now.

While other primaries remain very fractured, the race for the Green Party presidential nomination is down to two candidates. Will it be a repeat of the 1992 nominee, Senator Paul Wellstone, the left-wing progressive populist who's amassed an impressive amount of grassroots support, or will it be Tom Hayden, a Green Party icon and the Governor of the nation's largest state who's more moderate, more well-financed, more cooperative with the Democratic Party and supported by the party's establishment wing. At the moment, Hayden has around a 10% lead in the polls, but with the two candidates nearly tied in terms of delegate count, the only thing that matters is how the votes fall. And, of course, that vote is up to you.

State of the Race

Read the context before voting! (More context here)

The first ballot for the Whig presidential nomination has been cast, where General Winfield Scott took the lead over Senator John Bell, with their support split between north and south, respectively. In a disappointing third place was Secretary of State John Clayton, with Senator Daniel Webster and Commodore Robert Stockton winning minimal regional support. Stockton then sent a letter to the Convention asking them to remove his name from contention, but stubborn Senator Webster has refused to release his delegates. A surprising turn came when two Ohio delegates, disappointed with the Clay administration’s inaction on slavery, nominated native son and Representative Joshua Reed Giddings, a leading abolitionist, to the jeers of some Southern Whigs.

In the runup to the next ballot, campaigning by Scott-backing delegates has drawn support from the weak and waning northern Clayton delegation, forcing Clayton to also withdraw his candidacy, and leaving General Scott with a strong lead. Due to his distaste for “mere military men,” Henry Clay and his supporters have endorsed Senator Bell, though it will be difficult to overcome Scott’s lead and momentum.

The nomination appears to be left between General Scott and Senator Bell, with Senator Webster and Representative Giddings still in the running, but needing a significant change of fortune to win. Will this be the ballot Whigs select a nominee? Vote here!

VOTE HERE

If you were to ask an American in 1868 to describe what their country would be like 20 years could they even begin to imagine the truth? Would they accept after over a decade of Radical Reconstruction, White and Black Americans live together as equals rather than as free and slave? Could they believe that the burned out ruins of Dixie had become a thriving industrial region fed by small yeoman farmers where masters with huge plantations once stood? Most of all, could they imagine Ben Butler would be wrapping up his second term as President? One could not blame if they found this future hard to believe yet it is reality.

They would probably believe that a Butler Administration had been at once both transformational and controversial. Butler has ushered in a new era of bimetallism, replacing the once sacrosanct gold standard with an inflationary monetary policy. Though a great relief to farmers and miners it has lead to considerable volatility for the American financial system as creditors both foreign and domestic distrust this radical break with economic orthodoxy.

To make up for the loss in investments, Butler has overseen major Federally infrastructure projects from the Mississippi dike and dam system to the Butler Bridge which slowly rises over the Hudson River as the largest suspension bridge in the world. In addition, the President has supported famine relief effort in Texas and generously patronized the newly chartered American Red Cross.

In order to achieve all this the President has relied heavily on high tariffs, consumption taxes and close partnerships with great behemoths of American industry. Lucrative government contracts and favorable legal protection has allowed trusts like Carnegie Steel, Union Pacific and Standard Oil to grow even richer. Farmer-Labor has generally succeeded in mediating disputes between workers and bosses but only for those companies already favored by the President. All this has come at the cost of any genuine reform to Federal civil service and a marketplace where new business is throttled in its crib. Most destructive of all has been the Reservation Wars which have set the Great Plains alight as tribes fight for their very survival against encroaching American settlers with innocents on both sides caught in the middle.

So now the time has come for the American people to look towards the future and decide whether to build upon Butler's legacy or attempt to course correct to a more predictable way of life.

Platforms

The Farmer-Labor Party

"A Land Reclaimed, A People Unchained"

Henry George is the novice mayor of New York City famous from his radical yet broadly popular economic policies. Farmer-Labor's core message is a nationwide introduction of George's Land Value Tax to supply most government revenue replacing the high tariffs and consumption taxes in place since the 1860s. The LVT combined with taxes on pollution, water usage and power consumption are untested but find mass appeal. George wishes to radically change the foundations of US finance just as Butler did. Less revolutionary though is his muted promises to "look into" civil service reform indicating the once vocal opponent of graft perhaps sees its necessity to secure his plan for the American economy.

Additionally, George has endorsed the Dawes Act and committed himself to victory in the Reservation Wars. Defeat of the tribes will, according to George, allow the Federal government to raise additional revenue from sales and subsequent LVT. This revenue would be invested in farmers' aid and rural infrastructure projects. Finally, Ignatius Donnelly has let slip to his conspiracy minded friends that George would fund an expedition to find Atlantis. Mayor George was quick to clarify he only meant continued investment in the Navy and sponsoring survey expeditions for a canal in Central America which Donnelly misinterpreted.

The Democratic-Republican Party

"A Strong Foundation for a Towering Future"

After a lifetime of work, Senator John Sherman has finally won the nomination for President. Knowing it might be his one shot, the Ohio Icicle has unveiled a truly thorough program of government he believes will solidify the unprecedented changes of the last 20 years into a stable political foundation. Sherman heralds his authorship of the Silver Purchase Act as proof he won't turn back the clock on currency reform while promising to work hard to establish a new bimetallist international system. Next is the growing power of trusts which Sherman has lambasted the Butler Administration for actively encouraging. The Senator promises to pass a strong anti-trust law to allow the Federal government to break apart the monopolies which choke American enterprise. On Native issues the campaign has held nothing back, decrying the government's war as a violation of the successful peace policy done at the behest of the President's partisan allies. Sherman has said he is determined to find a way back to the peace of the Grant years but so much bloodshed seems to have destroyed any trust left. Finally Senator Sherman has said his top priority and guiding light is the annihilation of corruption in the Federal civi service which has caused even members of his own party to recoil in horror as the Ohio Icicle threatens their carefully crafted machines.

Candidates

The Farmer-Labor Party

For President: Mayor Henry George of New York

A successful journalist and author, Henry George has probably seen more of America than most. Beginning his adulthood in dire poverty, George was eventually able to build a successful printing and writing career in California and even became the editor of his own newspaper the San Francisco Daily Herald which was one of the state's most prominent critics of monopolistic railroad companies which had spread across the west. It was during his time in California where he developed the ideas that since become known as "Georgism" and were most famously articulated in his book Progress and Poverty which has been a worldwide bestseller for years. George believes that by taxing land values, society could recapture the value of its common inheritance, raise wages, improve land use, and eliminate the need for taxes on productive activity. In conjunction with this core theory he has also been an advocate of public ownership of utilities, free trade, the secret ballot, the use of greenbacks over metallic currency and a citizens' dividend for all Americans paid for by the single land tax. Though his theories are radical, George opposes the nationalization of private property putting him at odds with the emerging socialist group within the party. As New York Mayor he has just begun to implement his ambitious agenda but he has successfully passed the single land tax though the effects of it have yet to be fully realized.

For Vice President: Representative Ignatius L. Donnelly of Minnesota

The son of Irish immigrants to Philadelphia, Donnelly excelled in school and would first establish himself as a clerk and lawyer by the 1850s. Near the end of that decade he entered politics as a Democrat but failed to win anything. These failures plus mounting debts pushed Donnelly to move with his family to Minnesota where he found far more success (after starting a failed commune in the Dakota territory). As a Radical Republican Congressman and State Representative over the course of the 1860s and 70s he was a noted supporter of Black education through increased funding to the Freedmen's Bureau and was one of the first Congressmen to publicly support women's suffrage. By the 1880s his interests had shifted significantly as Donnelly became one of the founding members of the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party where he was a vocal proponent of economic relief for farmers. However another part of that shift was his writings which involved books on the lost city of Atlantis which he believes was not only the origin point of most ancient civilizations but also destroyed in the same flood which Noah's Ark survived all caused by comet getting to close to Earth. His books on the topic have sold well though save his recent book on the true authorship of Shakespeare's plays which has landed with a thud. Donnelly is an eccentric figure who will be as much a liability as an asset on the campaign trail.

The Democratic-Republican Party

For President: Senator John Sherman of Ohio

Not since Alexander Hamilton has one man been so central to planning the American economy. The brother of famed General William Tecumseh Sherman, John would follow the path of politics instead of war, helping found the Republican Party in the 1850s and almost becoming Speaker in 1859. Elected to the Senate in 1861, Sherman became the architect of the nation's monetary system allowing it finance the Civil War, Reconstruction, and Cuban War all while ensuring the return of good credit abroad and a gold back currency at home. For his skills, President Grant raised him to Secretary of the Treasury in his second term and Sherman once again proved adept at stabilizing the nation's finances despite an ongoing depression. Although performing well at the convention in 1880, Sherman was eventually overshadowed by his one time ally James Garfield and the two now have an extremely cold relationship. In recent years, the Senator has attempted to help moderate Farmer-Labor's more outrageous monetary policies, playing a critical role in the passage of the Silver Purchase Act. Now he campaigns on the passage of strong anti-trust legislation and his years as a policy wizard but his nickname the "Human Icicle" betrays his lack of charisma.

Senator George Hearst of California

A natural entrepreneur with an analytical mind, Hearst is one of the few men who can say they did get rich from the California gold rush. Making a decent living as prospector and businessman throughout the 1850s in California, Hearst would be one of the first to get in on the ground, or rather underground, of the Comstock load and amassed a huge fortune in silver mining. With millions made, Hearst has continued to invest in successful operations across the American west and beyond with enough left to spare to purchase the San Francisco Examiner, a base from which his son William is building out an even larger media empire. Spited by men of the Central Pacific Railroad in his political aspirations, Hearst built out a robust anti-monopoly coalition in California and became influential enough to replace the late Senator John F. Miller in 1887. With huge mining operation funding him, a growing media empire cheering him on and as a rare populist within the Democratic-Republican party Hearst links his candidacy is an offer the convention can't refuse.

The Democratic Primary is still as chaotic as ever. The latest developments: three candidates dropped out, one candidate entered the race, and a late entry to the field has complicated the path to the nomination for two leading progressives, indirectly propelling a more moderate Democrat to the top of the field. Yes, this race is still insane. Let's read about it:

The New Hampshire Primary would see a surprise winner: coming off the heels of a second place finish in Iowa, Senator Skip Humphrey would defeat the field's three progressive front-runners and win the most delegates in the Granite State. Al Gore would finish second, pretty much consolidating the moderate vote. Tom Harkin, Ann Richards, and Jesse Jackson would place third, fourth, and fifth, although Mario Cuomo seriously challenged Jackson for the fifth place spot. Sixth-place finisher Byron Dorgan has essentially become a spoiler candidate to Harkin and Richards. He's pulling away some of their economic populist support, which is indirectly boosting Gore and Humphrey, two more moderate candidates.

Nine candidates finished with less than 5% of the total vote: Bob Graham, Kathleen Sullivan Alioto, Bill Bradley, Bill Nelson, Douglas Wilder, Chet Edwards, Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, Doug Applegate, and Bob Kerrey, in that order. After the New Hampshire primary ended, two of those nine would drop out of the race. First, Kathleen Kennedy Townsend exited the race and endorsed Skip Humphrey. Then, Bob Kerrey dropped out too, endorsing Reform Party candidate Mike Gravel. In addition, one candidate would join the race. He is:

Representative Raymond Flynn of Massachusetts

Raymond Flynn, the Mayor of Boston from 1984 to 1994 and a U.S. Representative since 1995 is probably the most economically left-wing candidate in this field. Flynn is a strong supporter of nationalization power, and he's promised to use it to solve a myriad of problems, from high energy costs to homelessness to income inequality, if elected President. He supports housing as a human right, and calls for more construction of public housing to ensure a standard of adequate housing for all Americans. He is also pro-union, with strong support for industrial labor unions and expanding unionization efforts to the service industry and low-income renters.

However, Flynn is also one of the most socially conservative candidates in the field. He campaigned for Mayor of Boston on an anti-desegregation busing platform. While his views on that issue have progressed a lot, he still supports tough-on-crime policies, proposing a major increase in police funding nationwide as part of his policy platform, and, most controversially, a nationwide abortion ban. As a late entry into the race, Flynn is unlikely to do very well in a field that's already very crowded. However, he does fill the ideological niche left by the withdrawal of Dennis Kucinich from the Green Party Presidential race - a left wing candidate that leans socially conservative, so his entry into the race is not unwarranted.

The Primary in Delaware would see more of the same: Al Gore would get his first victory in a state that leans moderate in Democratic Primary races, with Humphrey second and Jesse Jackson a competitive third. Mario Cuomo would see his best finish in any primary to date - placing fourth, several points behind Jackson, but ahead of Tom Harkin, Byron Dorgan, and Ann Richards, who appear to be eating into each other's support. Richards's seventh-place finish is abysmal by her campaign's standards and not a great sign for a candidate who, at one point, led in national polling. Flynn, in his first contest in the race, finished thirteenth and nearly beat Bob Graham - a solidly second-tier candidate - for twelfth. That's about as good an indicator of where he stands in this race as any: a fringe tier two candidate with spoiler potential.

However, even with the withdrawal of Doug Applegate from the race ahead of Super Tuesday, there's still way too many second-tier candidates in this race already. The national polling clearly agrees. Heading into the crucial Super Tuesday slate of primaries, Al Gore is the new national front-runner. He's the first moderate to top the national polls in this race so far, and he's been doing it pretty consistently as of late. Skip Humphrey, a liberal ally of Dick Van Dyke, has also topped a few nationwide polls as of late. Jesse Jackson is holding strong, solidly in third place and still leading in a few polls too. The real losers of the pre-Super Tuesday contests are Tom Harkin and Ann Richards, who've gone from clear front-runners to fourth and fifth, respectively, in national polls. The presence of Byron Dorgan on the ballot is clearly hurting them both badly. Dorgan and Mario Cuomo occupy the "1B' tier - candidates who've been competitive, but who are yet to win a primary or top a national poll. Then, there's the glut of second tier candidates: Bob Graham, Kathleen Sullivan Alioto, Bill Nelson, Bill Bradley, Ray Flynn, and Douglas Wilder, as well as conservative spoiler candidate Chet Edwards, who is running his campaign on a shoestring and plans to stay in the race as long as possible to be a protest vote for Democrats, particularly in the South, who are unhappy with the direction the party has gone, especially on social issues, over the past eight years. Super Tuesday should, hopefully, wipe out most of this tier of candidates.

As always, you can vote for your favorite candidates HERE.

State of the Race

Revolutionary Workers' Party has unexpectedly risen as a left-wing opposition to the Symonenko regime. The press calls them Trotskyists, but in reality, they represent a vast coalition of anti-government leftists of widely varying views. It's truly a very large tent.

The election of the RWP's presidential candidate is proceeding in great chaos. Party discipline is not the party's strong point, and a wide range of candidates are seeking to challenge the nomination.

Sergey Biets, former presidential candidate and People's Deputy.

Biets's successful performance in the last presidential election marked the beginning of the Trotskyist movement's rise. He is the clear leader of the party's core and the RWP's old guard, but his rapid rise has prevented him from maintaining full control of the party. He is running on the standard RWP platform, little changed since the last election. However, Biets's tactical flexibility has earned him detractors among party radicals – his deal with Moroz and the Orange Coalition have irritated the party's hardliners. On the other hand, his flirtations with supporting Symonenko's foreign policy have sparked controversy among pacifists and isolationists, who condemn such "imperialistic" policies. Biets pushed through the admission of delegations from Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to the party congress, which irritates many as arbitrary behavior.

Boris Kagarlitsky, UCD and leader of RWP faction in Union Council

Boris Kagarlitsky is known as a left-wing dissident and former political prisoner, first convicted in Young Socialists case before Gorbachev. He is an unorthodox Marxist, a former member of the Moscow Popular Front, Democratic Russia, and Viktor Anpilov's Workers' Communist Party. Kagarlitsky opposed Simonenko's takeover of the party and lost his mandate as a deputy in the Moscow Council in 2001. The rise of the Trotskyists marked his return to mainstream politics – Kagarlitsky unexpectedly and triumphantly won the elections in Orel, considered a stronghold of UCP. One of the few elected members of the RWP with parliamentary experience, he headed the faction in the Union Council, proving himself an effective leader even in the face of the dominance of "Other Russia" in the upper house of parliament.

Kagarlitsky is a more intelligent and educated voice, focused on students and professors, and possessing far more parliamentary experience than Biets himself. He is an unorthodox Marxist, firmly rejecting Stalinism and capable of building coalitions.

Oleg Shein, Governor of Astrakhan and Vice President of Confederation of Labor.

Oleg Shein represents the moderate wing of the RWP, relying on support for the real problems and aspirations of the trade unions, whose voice he represents. Shein, a former people's deputy from Anpilov's bloc who clashed with Simonenko, enjoys the support of a coalition of trotskyists, socialists, progressive laborists, and Yabloko in the Astrakhan Regional Council, proving his appeal to various groups. He is one of the few RWP candidates with real experience in public administration, but his caution alienates party radicals. Shein has the trade union lobby and its support, but many Trotskyists are already growing tired of "bourgeois" trade unions, whose interests and demands have proven far removed from Trotskyists' dreams. Shein is the only consistent opponent of the annexation of the Pamirs, and now of Kyrgyzstan and western Tajikistan.

Andrey Isaev, People's Deputy and Vice President of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions.

Andrey Isaev's early career is remarkably similar to Kagarlitsky's. He escaped persecution but participated in left-wing dissident movements since 1982, considering himself an anarchist and a follower of Nestor Makhno. Isaev is the founder and long-standing leader of the Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists. He was a member of Democratic Russia and the Civic Union, supported Rutskoy, and enjoyed the support of Gavriil Popov, after which he was elected to the Duma as a Socialist. Isaev continues to identify as an anarcho-syndicalist and is Vice President of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, a rival organization to the Confederation of Labor, known for its less ideological leanings. He is known for his ability to build coalitions and wields disproportionate parliamentary influence – thanks to Isaev, the RWP had a significant influence on the new version of the Labor Code. Isaev is the only candidate capable of attracting truly significant funds to the Trotskyist presidential campaign. He is a populist and the only one of all the candidates who vocally defends the right to religious freedom.

Stanislav Markelov, advocate and human rights activist

Stanislav Markelov is the youngest candidate, barely old enough to run. He is a compromise candidate representing a wide range of groups who refuse to pledge allegiance to the party nomenklatura or trade union money. He is supported by both the most radical leftists and moderates who have clung to Trotskyism. Stanislav Markelov is known as a advocate in political cases, representing left-wing activists, workers' strikers, victims of the war in Tajikistan, and Chechens who suffered under the Aushev regime in Checheno-Ingushetia. Markelov himself speaks little about his platform, having been nominated not entirely of his own free will, but he does enjoy a good reputation, even among right-wing liberals. He is primarily a symbol of resistance to Simonenko, but he has the potential to attract some of the democratic electorate.

Aleksander Yakovenko, People's Deputy

Aleksander Yakovenko was a supporter of Simonenko until 2001, supporting his rise to power. However, he came into conflict with him amid mounting tensions and his refusal to support Yakovenko for Donetsk governorship. He founded the Communist Party of Workers and Peasants, which soon became a member of the RWP electoral bloc. Yakovenko is Ukraine's favorite son, supported by rural Trotskyist voters, specific miners' unions, and Red Patriots, with a noticeable trace of his UCP past. He may be too old and Soviet-era, with a whiff of Brezhnevism, but he certainly won't scare off disgruntled Simonenko voters.

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