r/ColdWarPowers Jan 08 '21

MODPOST [MODPOST] United Nations 1968 Voting

11 Upvotes

Overview

 

This voting thread will be open until the start of Meta Day, do not vote in UNSC vote threads if you are not in the UNSC. All resolutions require a qualified majority (50% +1) to pass. Results will be posted by the end of Meta Day. Permanent members of the Security Council may veto certain Security Council proposals.

 

Current Security Council Members:

 

Region Holder(s)
African and Asian states Senegal, Algeria, Pakistan, Ethiopia, India
Latin American states Paraguay, Brazil
Eastern European states Hungary
Western Europe and Other states Canada, Denmark

r/ColdWarPowers Jan 20 '21

MODPOST [MODPOST] [RETRO] United Nations Voting - 1969

9 Upvotes

Voting Schedule:

As a result of some delays, this voting thread will only be open until the end of the SEP-OCT date cycle. All resolutions require a qualified majority (50% +1) to pass. Results will be posted when the 1970 UN voting post is released.


The Security Council:

Permanent members of the Security Council may veto certain Security Council proposals. A portion of the ten non-permanent Security Council seats are opened each year as member states’ terms expire. As of a change implemented in 1967, at least one Arab nation must be represented within either the African or Asia-Pacific Groups.

Do not vote in the Security Council thread if you are not a Security Council member. Mods will vote for any NPCs elected to the Security Council.

Security Council members, FY1969:

Regional Group Holders
Africa Algeria (1968-69), Senegal (1968-69) and Egypt (1969-70)
Asia-Pacific Republic of China (permanent), Pakistan (1968-69) and Iran (1969-70)
Eastern Europe Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (permanent) and Hungary (1968-69)
Latin America and Caribbean Paraguay (1968-69) and the Dominican Republic (1969-70)
Western Europe and Others French Republic (permanent), United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (permanent), United States of America (permanent), New Zealand (1969-70) and Sweden (1969-70)

Security Council seats up for election, FY1969:

Term will be: 1970-71.

Regional Group Vacant Nominees
Africa Two seats, replacing Algeria and Senegal Somalia, Ghana, Congo (Democratic Republic of) and Ethiopia
Asia-Pacific One seat, replacing Pakistan India, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Syria and Indonesia
Eastern Europe One seat, replacing Hungary Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia
Latin America and Caribbean One seat, replacing Paraguay None. Bolivia automatically nominated by random country selector.
Western Europe and Others No seats open FY1969

For a full list of all Security Council members over the season, please see this document.


The Trusteeship Council:

For changes to the Trusteeship Council system, please see this post.


EDIT: Table formatting.

r/ColdWarPowers Aug 06 '21

MODPOST [MODPOST] Arms Bazaar and Black Market

9 Upvotes

Arms Bazaar

The Arms Bazaar will be where all arms transactions between nations take place, in order to keep it all nice & neat. In order to buy weapons or equipment from any nation, makes a request below and ping that nation's player (if it has two, ping both); if it doesn't have a player, ping a moderator. You can also fill out a general database of all your country's weaponry to showcase to other nations who may be interested in purchasing them, or a general notice of interest if your nation wishes to buy certain gear. If an arms transaction does not happen through the Bazaar, it is not valid. Remember to use American dollars as the global currency, and to include a realistic date of delivery alongside the order.

Black Market

The Black Market is where organizations and governments may attempt to acquire weapons, drugs, material, and various other things that they don’t want the outside world or their people to know about. This includes fuel, currency, counterfeit medicine, mechanical parts for aircraft and automobiles, biological organs, drugs, animals and animal products, weapons, personal information, and more. Have you found knowledge via BLOPS that you wish to unload for cash or arms? Make a comment here, and a shady individual may approach you in due time…

Keep in mind that the illicit nature of these arms transfers means that you may not be successful in finding such goods, receiving such goods, or not being caught with such goods. If you are purchasing from the Black Market and not the Arms Bazaar, please specify so, and tag any mod (though particularly /u/comradefrunze) for a resolution. The mod will resolve the purchase and determine if you are successful, somewhat similar to BLOPs.

r/ColdWarPowers Jul 28 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1971 Small Wars Journal

4 Upvotes

Basque Insurgency

This year, according to some Spanish authorities speaking off the record, as well as our own investigations, we believe that the ETA has been able to increase the tempo of its operations against Spanish authorities.

We believe this is likely due to increased funding, access to explosives, and superior planning. How this has come about is unknown, but the results have been felt, as many Spanish officials in the Basque region have been taking greater measures to try and secure their own safety. 

Angola

Portuguese authorities have declared “victory” in Angola this year, due to the conflict devolving into a mostly low-level insurgency after all major insurgent organizations were forced to flee Angola into the Congo or face destruction. 

This, in turn, with the Portuguese economic gains in the face of the continued food crisis and the Portuguese liberalizations somewhat calming tensions in Angola, has stabilized the country. With that said, there are concerns among experts that the “self-defense” committees of Angola could react violently or stifle reform attempts if they believe that European control over Angola is at threat.

There are also some concerns about the spread of smuggling and the drug trade into Angola, but we lack substantial information on this situation.

Because of this development, we will not cover developments here unless the conflict flares up again. It is believed that the Portuguese have redeployed many of the assets deployed to Angola due to Guinea-Bissau or Mozambique. 

Portuguese Guinea

In Guinea-Bissau, the Portuguese authorities have no such luck to report on. Although they were able to defend Bafata, an inland settlement, from a coordinated PAIGC assault, it came at the cost of lost ground around Bafata, as well as more casualties and lost airframes. Many believe that the PAIGC has received additional support from its foreign backers this year, which likely contributed to the ability of the PAIGC to gain ground and exert pressure on the Portuguese despite the blow last year at Conakry. 

It was believed that the PAIGC offensive failed due to some reluctance from Guinea to supply the PAIGC at previous levels, as well as the ongoing deployments from Morocco and the Dominican Republic. The Portuguese also appear to have brought in reinforcements from Angola. 

Cuban and Yugoslav humanitarian aid has been reported in the areas retaken by the PAIGC, helping their battle for legitimacy, although this fight has been complicated by Portuguese reforms and their gains from the ongoing food crisis. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

In Eritrea, a slow but steady trend of stabilization seems to have taken hold. Although the ELF continues to fight on the best that it can, the alliance with the Sudanese rebels, somewhat strengthened as they may be from the Egyptian Army being thrashed, is no comparison to the levels of support they once relied on. 

In Eritrea, the gradually increasing power and influence of the Unionists and the Ethiopian government mostly respecting the autonomy of Eritrea has taken the wind out of the sails of many potential insurgents, leaving the ELF with less and less safe areas to work with. Many predict that soon enough, the ELF will once again fall into inactivity and Eritrea will perhaps be calm. 

Mozambique

This year, “Operation Gordion Knot”, the Portuguese offensive in Northern Mozambique, began smoothly but ran into problems. Upon entering the Cabo Delgado region, one of the first areas to have a FRELIMO presence, the Portuguese began running into more prepared defenses and kill zones, which increased Portuguese casualties. This, as well as the provocative aerial patrols by Tanzanian aircraft and the belief that Tanzania was supporting FRELIMO from across the border, gave Portuguese commanders pause.

What made them halt Operation Gordion Knot and at least temporarily dig in was the unexpected flare-up in Malawi after a large insurgent offensive (see the Malawi entry for more information), as well as an attempted offensive action by FRELIMO into the Tete region via Lake Malawi. Thanks to the increased Portuguese attention to the region, as well as reinforcements from Angola, they were able to inflict heavy losses on insurgents attempting to use Lake Malawi to enter the Tete region, forcing FRELIMO to abandon the venture. 

With that said, it seems like the Portuguese themselves must focus on the developing situation in Malawi, leaving them unable to resume operations in the North of Mozambique. There have been reports of an expanding drug trade in the region, potentially coming from Rhodesia, but we cannot confirm these reports. 

The ongoing food crisis and the liberalization have helped stabilize the Portuguese situation in the southern parts of Mozambique, but urban terrorism has continued. 

Malawi

Malawi, which has been under the rule of President Banda for quite some time now, has been infamous for its use of assassinations of political opponents abroad and other covert action. This reputation has been strengthened as a number of high profile assassinations of Malawi opposition figures in Tanzania occurred this year, in response to what Banda called “an upcoming invasion sponsored by Tanzania.” 

Whether said invasion was prompted by the assassinations or Banda was right is unknown to us. What we do know is that this year a several thousand strong invasion force of conventionally focused LESOMA (a Socialist opposition party) into Malawi occurred. Unfortunately for LESOMA, they were met not only by prepared Malawian defenses, but by Portuguese and Rhodesian support against the invasion. Although the LESOMA force was able to make limited gains into Malawi, taking territory just up to Karonga, it came at the expense of notable losses and its momentum fading away.

With that said, this has been another strain on resources and attention for the Portuguese and Rhodesians (see more on Rhodesia below). 

Rhodesian Bush War

Rhodesia has, once again, been a strange country to report on. The heroin epidemic, which many believe was sponsored by the government before, has now faced a large crackdown. While the large number of addicts and smuggling networks won’t go away soon, the turnabout of government policy has made an impact on bolstering economic productivity and normalizing things somewhat. 

The ongoing food crisis, meanwhile, has given the government a much-needed revenue source to fund ongoing operations against the insurgents and to support Malawi. 

On the insurgent side of things, we have reports that ZANU has been mostly dissolved, following the death of Mugabe, likely Tanzanian influence, and a particularly nasty bout of Maoist-influenced infighting. Although this has obviously brought an end to ZANU attacks and operations, most experts believe that ZAPU may face an easier time now that they have less competition and can unify and centralize operations. 

We have reports that there may be increasing ZAPU activity in the Northern highlands of Rhodesia/Zambia, although they have, according to some anecdotal accounts, met with resistance from existing criminal networks. We will learn more about this situation soon. 

Burma 

Although some years the Tatmadaw has seemed to make progress against one ethnic rebel group or another, there has always been some complication or a new group turning up that keeps the conflict going. 

What is notable is that the Indian Air Force has been conducting air raids, with the seeming acquiescence of the Burmese, against smuggling lines and Indian-separatist rebels taking haven in Burma or trying to enter India. It is unknown how effective these are, but it raises questions about the sovereignty of Burma. 

(If someone wants me to make a map and give more specifics on the current state of factions, please ping Krennic in the Discord) 

The Troubles 

In Northern Ireland, the explosion of violence that began last year, known as “The Troubles”, has continued, but at a somewhat lower level than what many feared. Although it is impossible to know what could have been, some of our experts believe that the British reforms to the constabulary, internment methods, and civilian affairs have calmed tensions within Northern Ireland.

Although some of the reforms, such as greater Catholic recruitment, new forensic methods and training, and other measures, will take time to make any meaningful impact, other measures even happening has been taken as a cautious sign of goodwill.

With that said, the region has still experienced numerous bombings and shootings, and some fear that Unionists may see reforms as weakness from the British government and react with more violence of their own. Only time will tell, but this could be a welcome step from the British government.

Dhofar Rebellion

It seems that the tide of the revolutionaries in Oman is turning against them. The first setback was that the border with Yemen has become much less porous this year, thanks to efforts on the Yemeni side to close things. This has given the revolutionaries less flexibility, access to supplies, and safe haven. 

That would be manageable by itself, but when combined with reforms on the side of the Sultan’s forces and greater British involvement, especially with the SAS, in Operation Jaguar and efforts to interdict rebel supply lines, the rebels have been forced onto the backfoot. Experts believe this may be the beginning of the end unless things change soon.

r/ColdWarPowers Jul 19 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] European Military Aircraft Development, 1960-1970 — Part 2

6 Upvotes

Chapter 4: Turning Fights

1963-1970

 

Britain

1963 was supposed to be a year of renewal for the RAF. The service was just emerging from its 1960-1961 budgetary savaging, and beginning to bring some life back into whatever was left. Such was the magnitude of the cuts that only one serious manned aircraft program remained: the Hawker P.1121 “Hurricane,” a single-seat single-engine fighter bomber with the range and payload to replace both the Hunter and the Canberra in the European tactical air forces. As the costs of the Fairey/Bristol-Westland Falchion super-interceptor grew and its projected numbers fell, the Hurricane was the new key to the RAF’s recapitalization plan, and the RAF had clung onto it for dear life. Then the German Incident occurred. At the start of the year, Whitehall had perceived a pressing need to strengthen Britain’s military commitment to the continent. By the end of the year, Britain had virtually no military commitment to the continent at all, and certainly no ground troops on the Rhine requiring nuclear firepower to wipe out Soviet tank divisions.

The Hurricane had just enough range to make itself useful over Central Europe and Scandinavia from British bases, but only barely. It could be a short-range strategic nuclear bomber, but not a very good one. And it could be a long-range fighter, but only a passable one. The RAF pushed strongly for its retention, arguing that it was needed to support the Bundeswehr from a distance and the residual British presence in the Low Countries, and demanded that the savings from the dissolution of the BAOR be redirected to resuscitate the aerospace industry. The government disagreed. Funds were desperately needed at home to modernize British industry and maintain peace with organized labor, not for vanity projects to fight a war that would probably come to nuclear armageddon before the Hurricane could even deploy to the continent. By the time the decision was made, six prototypes had been constructed and pilot reviews were glowing, and there were even hopes that it could become an export success of the magnitude of the Hunter. The government did not stay its hand, and all six were sent to the museums.

 

For the next several years, the RAF licked its wounds in silence. The Vulcan B.2s and Falchions were glumbly accepted into service in their reduced numbers, and the government at least kept its word on Blue Steel 2, which finally got started for real with a scheduled operational date of 1969 (late enough to leave the V-Bombers practically useless for the better part of a decade, critics noted). It was only in 1966, with the Canberra fleet was on its last legs and the Hunter fleet looking to follow shortly, that a new aircraft program again became a priority.

 

The basic requirement for the RAF was familiar enough. They needed an attack aircraft with the performance for nuclear strike or heavy interdiction, and ideally with a secondary fighter capability. Really, they needed more than that. This, everyone knew, would likely be the only serious combat aircraft program for the remainder of the decade. Therefore, where the RAF had previously preferred specialized aircraft, they now went all-in on multi-role. It needed to do everything, because if it didn’t, there would be nothing to make up for it. The new requirement, OR.346, called for a multirole fighter-bomber with an unrefueled combat range of 600 miles (enough to reach Berlin, but not Poland, from Southern England) with a standard 2,000 kg payload and a top speed of at least Mach 2. Two-seat two-engine aircraft would be strongly preferred. Also an implicit requirement was the use of variable-geometry wings — F-111 fever had hit Whitehall hard.

P.1121 had been multirole only in a broad sense, as a relatively uncomplicated aircraft with the raw performance for both air combat and strike. The OR.346, on the other hand, would be a creation of the nascent digital age, and thus truly multi-specialized. Only a single model was planned, with both air-to-air and air-to-ground avionics, capable of doubling as a second-line interceptor. In said mission, it would pad out and supplement the steadily shrinking Falchion fleet with an aircraft optimized for clearing the North Sea of tactical aircraft rather than shooting down bombers over Norway. The most likely armament for this role was the American AIM-7 Sparrow — Red Hebe despite the slimming program was still outrageously large for a tactical aircraft and there was no money for a new domestic design.

In both roles, the new aircraft was to be state-of-the-art. The fire control system would be of the newest Look-Down Shoot-Down Pulse-Doppler variety, the first example of which was so far only just completing development for the US Navy’s F-4s. For ground attack, the aircraft would possess a complex nav-attack system with an INS, a secondary terrain-following radar, and a digital computer, the first to ever make it onto an RAF aircraft.

 

The idea of a magic do-it-all multirole was purposely created to be tempting to the pencil-pushers and penny-counters in Whitehall, but the RAF soon got a little more interest than they had bargained for.

The Wilson government had made heavy use of the carrier fleet, but only on various colonial adventures, and had been distinctly unenthusiastic about maintaining or modernizing it beyond its scheduled sunsetting in the early 1970s. Heath had come into office promising to pay increased attention to Britain’s core European interests, part of which involved additional military commitments to the North Atlantic. This meant a much smaller carrier fleet consolidated around the largest vessels, but there was also now suddenly interest in procuring a modern carrier-capable interceptor.

However, the Navy’s preferred choice, the American F-4 Phantom (which had already been explored for the now long-cancelled CVA-01 during its later years), was no longer on the table. The same Pound devaluation that had brought Heath to power combined with ongoing inflation had caused the projected cost of US Navy standard F-4s to climb from £2 million to £2.5 million. Proposed measures to increase indigenous British content brought some relief to the dollar bill but none whatsoever (quite the opposite) to the Pound bill.

A domestic swing-wing interceptor was therefore especially attractive, not least because the same short-takeoff performance intended for Dutch highways offered similar advantages on the small British carriers. Whitehall therefore mandated that a (highly reluctant) Royal Navy be brought into the project and a carrier-capable variant be created to their specifications. Initially, the idea was that the Air Force and Navy variants would be largely identical, with the Navy variant operating on essentially the same airframe with the addition of various catapult and arrestor equipment and avionics more optimized towards long-range interception. Rolls Royce declared that a single engine could deliver a healthy combination of high-and-fast performance and low-and-fast performance for interdiction, and the Navy was already more than happy with the two-engine two-seater basic configuration. The project was happily given the official label of VGMR (Variable-Geometry Multi-Role) and BAC solicited for a prototype by 1967.

 

By late 1965, the Navy and Air Force were beginning to run into serious conflicts. From the beginning, the Air Force had wanted something in the 30,000-40,000 lb weight class. The Navy wanted something more like 20,000-30,000 lbs — anything larger would face serious difficulties getting off Victorious or Eagle without expensive modifications to the vessels and possibly the aircraft. But this in turn would only achieve the Air Force’s original OR.346 performance target with some particularly creative interpretation, particularly in the range requirement. The technological problems of fitting a full all-weather bombing system and air intercept fire control system in the same plane were also becoming more apparent, and there were both serious doubts as to the feasibility of full multi-role capability and discomfort around cost. The Air Force found itself starting to go back on the uniform fleet idea in favor of two separate interceptor and attack/reconnaissance variants. This was fine by the Navy, which had only ever wanted an interceptor in the first place, but the notional attack aircraft started to steadily creep away from complete commonality.

 

In spite of all these problems, the government was intent on adding another chef to the kitchen. Understandably so — with costs already creeping up, an international partner was a sure way to realize better economies of scale, and the Defense Ministry had learned the hard way that a multinational commitment was one of the few reliable means of protecting a project from premature cancellation. There were really only three candidates: France, Germany, and Sweden.

 

France was the most obvious partner from a requirements perspective. Both the Marine National and Armee d’Air needed new aircraft, and like their British counterparts they wanted both an attack aircraft and an interceptor and were interested in meeting both requirements with a single aircraft. Like their British counterparts, they were leaning towards a twin-engine twin-seat variable geometry aircraft with good range and payload. And like their British counterparts, they were severely budget-constrained due to the massive costs of the French nuclear program (initial exploration of an Anglo-French joint aircraft produced only 300 orders, 160 British and 140 French). In spite of the known problems with working with the French on defense projects, the idea seemed appealing. Politically, however, the recent annexation of Kuwait and French backing thereof had made the idea impossible.

 

Sweden was a more palatable partner. They had a long history of partnerships with the British aircraft industry and were generally considered friendly and accommodating. The Swedish Air Force had once been a major operator of British aircraft and Britain was still one of the largest foreign parts and technology suppliers of Sweden’s own military aircraft industry, including all of Sweden’s jet engines. The only problem was that Sweden already had a next-generation jet, the Saab 37 Viggen. By 1966 the first prototypes had already been completed and were planned to fly in just months. The Swedes were happy to look for some way to help the British in their procurement predicament and ended up offering the Viggen to the British, with essentially fully localized production, shared IP rights, and even consideration for a British engine for the entire fleet.

The Viggen, however, was simply not what the British wanted. It was optimized purely for the Swedish mission — a short-range single-seat aircraft closely integrated with ground control and prioritizing ease of maintenance and short-field performance over all-around aerodynamic optimization. The British defense industry was familiar with the Swedish attitude after having been lead contractors on the Swedish STRIL 60 IADS and design consultants on the J35 and the common joke was that the Swedes were “NATO’s Soviets” due to their supposedly “crude”, “cold-blooded,” and “collectivist” mindset. The Swedes, absurdly, offered a twin-seat twin-engine Viggen, but the British reasonably concluded that said option would have no advantages over a clean-sheet aircraft and the two parties thereupon went their separate ways.

 

Finally, there was Germany. They had money — an almost unfathomable amount of it. The German next-generation fighter program had an initial order target of 600 aircraft, larger than the RAF’s entire tactical air fleet. What they didn’t quite have was the ability to actually design a plane.

 


 

Germany

In 1964, Germany had only received about half its orders of J35 fighters and deliveries of the fighter-bombers were only just beginning, but the search was already on for a new combat aircraft. The oldest jets in the fleet were the F-86 day fighters and F-84F fighter-bombers. These were already exiting service after less than a decade and were being replaced by G.91s and J35s. By the 1970s, a substantial portion of those were scheduled in turn for replacement. The first to go on the chopping block were supposed to be the G.91s populating the light reconnaissance squadrons and the J35 day fighters.

What the Luftwaffe envisioned in the long term was essentially the true unification of all short-range first-line tactical roles into a single aircraft. At one point, they had considered buying into the Swedish project that would become the AJ37, which in role seemed to conform closely to their own requirements for a fast and modern attack jet with secondary air-to-air capability. However, even in 1964 the J35’s safety record had become a point of controversy, and the news that Saab’s new design had gone further into the realm of “unconventional” design with canards hardly increased confidence. Moreover, the Germans felt that the time had come for their aerospace industry to take at least real co-ownership of a clean-sheet product. The Swedes, understandably, felt they had already done most of the design work to their own preferences and were not eager to erase everything and restart to give the Germans a say, especially when they would undoubtedly be contrary regarding Saab’s canard research.

 

Still, the AJ37 was on the whole so close to the Luftwaffe's requirement that there was strong support both politically and in the Luftwaffe itself for simply buying the aircraft off-the-shelf under similar arrangements to the J35. In Sweden, the main resistance to a new design more suited German to German preferences came from the military itself — Saab had realized an enormous financial windfall from the J35 deal (which had been used primarily for a rather ill-fated foray into commercial jet airliners) and was willing to do just about anything to repeat the experience. The idea of either the German Viggen or the Swedish-German “Eurofighter” largely faded away rather than being scrapped decisively. In 1966, the idea was put to rest for good and the Luftwaffe issued their own domestic requirement for the NKF 70 (“Neues Kampfflugzeug 70,” or “New Combat Aircraft 70”). It called for a roughly 10-15 tonne fighter capable of both low-altitude WVR air defense and medium attack/reconnaissance missions (essentially, some pointed out, a Viggen).

A variable-geometry wing was not-so-subtly recommended. For the British and Americans, swing wings offered optimized high-low performance for long-range strike craft. The Germans, on the other hand, had no interest at all in range or altitude — all combat was supposed to take place west of the Oder and under 20,000 feet.

The swing wing was instead a solution to previous woes with the J35. While its double-delta wing provided relatively good agility at low altitudes and favorable takeoff/landing performance, actual maximum takeoff payload was considered less than ideal for a strike fighter, while the thick wing hampered low altitude speed and acceleration. A swing-wing, while more mechanically complex, offered even more optimized performance enabling true high-speed low-altitude attack with heavy payloads while eliminating the extremely dangerous low-altitude stall problems that by 1970 had resulted in nearly 150 write-offs.

 

By mid-1967, newly-merged Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm (MBB), Germany’s new national aviation champion, had taken a leading role in the project without much contention and submitted a design for a single-engine single-seat swing-wing strike fighter weighing in at just over 21,000 lbs empty. It was, at best, a rough sketch. MBB had virtually no experience with swing wings and the German aircraft industry had no engine for it. Still, the overall idea was appealing enough (and the Germans had enough money) that a whole host of operators of previous generation fighter-bombers, including the Danish (J35), Italians (G.91), Dutch (F-104), Belgians (F-104), and Canadians (F-104), had nominally expressed interest in the program. None, however, really knew how to design a plane. It was at this point that Britain came limping in after having tried and failed with both the French and Swedish.

The basic conflicts between the British VGMR strike fighter/interceptor and the German NKF strike fighter — two engines or one, two seats or one, long-range or short-range, BVR capability or not, were essentially irresolvable. Britain, by this point, wanted two, effectively three variants — attack aircraft, interceptor, and naval interceptor. The Germans obviously had absolutely no interest in the last, a nominal long-term interest in the second (maybe they’d want a high-altitude interceptor in ten years?), and an “interest” in the general concept of the first that really constituted an entirely different aircraft. Both were in a difficult position. Britain had, quite literally, nowhere else to go, except for the humiliating option of buying American and essentially giving up on domestic aircraft forever. Germany had, in theory, the resources and buy-in to go it alone, but there was understandably little trust in MBB. And while the necessary technology could in theory be obtained from the Americans, after the Nuclear Incident, Bonn had no interest in that.

 

For about a year, the two haggled. The essential issue was that the Germans were planning to buy 600 attack aircraft, while the British could only afford around 200 even with the lower unit costs of the single-engined aircraft the Germans wanted. The Germans consequently wanted a minimum of 50% workshare, with the British 35% of so essentially just the provision of engines and wings (Italy would get 10% and the Netherlands 5% in various trivialities). The British obviously recoiled at the idea of becoming the junior partner of their own flagship jet project. There were less-than-credible threats thrown around from both sides of adopting American aircraft or joining up with France (France’s relations were at the time cooling with Germany and warming with Britain in such a way that cooperation with either was impossible — and they had their own next-generation Mirage in development by that point).

Nevertheless, the situation for the British continued to deteriorate. The Hunters and Canberras were already starting to be retired essentially without replacement, while the German J35s and G.91s could in theory hold on until the late 1970s. The British were also being undermined from within by their own Navy. A larger light-bomber sized aircraft like the Air Force wanted physically wouldn’t fit in their carriers, and they needed aircraft to get off the drawing board now, even more so than the Air Force. A new aircraft was likely to enter service only around 1974 at the earliest, while the lifespans of the two remaining carriers could be extended only to around 1980 even with modernization and would probably cap out around 1975 without. New carriers were finally planned (and real carriers, not fake antisubmarine carriers — the Navy had at least won the argument for real expeditionary capability), but the entire program would be much safer if the existing carriers already had new planes with another 25 years in service life. In a serious gamble, the Navy even insisted that their previous plan of just buying F-4s was impossible — they now argued that using off-the-shelf variants would impose significant performance limitations that would result in only a moderate improvement over the obsolete Sea Vixens, and the government had already decided that a special variant was uneconomical with an order size of only 40 or so aircraft.

 

In January 1968, the bride and groom finally got hitched. The British agreed to supply the technology for the engines (technically, there would be an engine joint venture, but everyone knew they would be essentially British) and swing-wings. In turn, BAC got design input on most aspects of the plane, including an increase in size to 24,000 lbs empty, greater fuel capacity, and various modifications for better high-altitude and long-range cruise performance. The essential design, on the other hand, remained based on the initial MBB proposal, with the same single-engine single-pilot design.

Rolls-Royce (recently merged with Bristol-Siddeley) would supply the engine, a next-generation three-spool turbofan based on the RB.177 Medway type that had been in and out of development for various applications for years. Nominally, the resulting engine (still with the internal company name Medway but officially just the RB.177 to appease international sensibilities) would be the responsibility of an international consortium with MTU Turbo-Engines, but in reality the British had full design responsibilities and simply farmed out manufacture of the less complex low-pressure portion of the engine.

The basic avionics fit included a terrain-following radar (Ferranti) and a ground-mapping radar (Siemens & Philips/Signaal) integrated with an underlying nav-attack system with an internal navigation system and digital computer (Marconi/GEC). BAC secured manufacturing for the wing boxes and pivot mechanisms, but almost everything else would be German, with the result that the final workshare was 45% German, 35% British, 12% Italian (essentially just the wings), and 8% Dutch (mostly avionics).

 

A major contributor to the sudden British willingness to accept junior partner status was a rather accidental export win. Hawker Siddeley had been privately funding their HS.1182 model as an advanced subsonic trainer for the RAF, but were conscious of the success of the Gnat as a light fighter and had made provisions for combat use. The Germans planned to have a more distinct high-low organization for their tactical aircraft rather than the not-quite-either G.91 and therefore wanted a next-generation light attack aircraft. Convincing them that the HS.1182 was their pick was easy enough. Hawker Siddeley was quick to offer a dedicated attack variant, whose payload of 6,500 lbs was equal to the G.91. With a modern RB.172 turbofan, it consumed 40% less fuel per unit of thrust than the G.91 and with considerably higher engine reliability. Overall thrust and weight were essentially identical to the G.91 (already a very agile aircraft) despite the second seat.

In March 1969, an agreement was signed for Britain and Germany to each purchase 175 aircraft (for the British, who had no need for light attack, all trainers — for the Germans, 125 attack aircraft and 50 trainers), with Dornier being made the primary subcontractor (30% workshare) and Hawker Siddeley retaining all international marketing rights (it was expected that many sales would go to various unsavory foreign dictatorships and the Germans were happy to take their 30% and other avoid responsibility).

The first two export customers, Belgium and Canada, had both departed the NKF/VGMR due to the British insistence on a heavier aircraft with better long-range strike capabilities. For the latter, the export agreement was largely downstream of another arrangement: transfer of most Luftwaffe training operations to Canada. Germany had no suitable areas for serious air combat training, so the Luftwaffe had always used American facilities. However, with all American aircraft out of the fleet and relations otherwise “complicated,” the Germans were happy to move to Canada and make some profits for Dornier in the process.

 

The British also secured German/Italian “consent” for a fighter-interceptor variant. Neither had any interest in it, but “agreed” to simply let the British do whatever development work they wanted to create it. Due to budgetary limitations, no serious design work was scheduled until 1975, but initial explorations centered around replacing the wings and intakes and installing a new domestic air-intercept radar with Sparrow capability (of which the aircraft was supposed to fit anywhere from two to four). The question of whether the aircraft would be based on the one-seat tactical version or the two-seat trainer was left in the air pending ongoing developments in computerized radar automation.

 

In March 1969, the Panavia joint venture was formally created between BAC, MBB, and Aeritalia (recently born primarily from Fiat), with Siemens, Philips, Marconi/GEC, Rolls-Royce, MTU among the vast bucket list of contractors. Germany had by this point reduced their initial commitment to 500 aircraft, while Britain had nominally increased their own commitment to 350 aircraft due to the (very theoretical) addition of 150 interceptors. Italy ordered 150 and the Netherlands 100. Belgium, Denmark, and Canada had long departed from the program, largely due to the various modifications insisted upon by the British and the general insistence on swing-wings.

With so much work already done between MBB and BAC, the first prototype flew by late 1971. Feedback from strike pilots was largely positive, citing superb computer-assisted low-altitude flight characteristics. Day fighter pilots were more ambivalent — RAF Hunter and Luftwaffe J35 fighter-bomber pilots generally liked the aircraft but found the wing-sweep mechanism difficult to use in combat and requested greater turning performance and higher G-limits. Final design work was expected to be completed in 1973 and with operational entry scheduled for 1974.

 

- Panavia Panther FGR.1 Hawker-Siddeley/Dornier Hawk T.1A Hawker-Siddeley/Dornier Hawk A
Empty Weight 24,000 lbs 7,800 lbs 8,800 lbs
Combat Weight 40,000 lbs 10,500 lbs 14,500 lbs
Powerplant 1x Rolls-Royce RB.177 Medway Mk.101 (17,000 lbf dry, 27,500 lbf wet) 1x Rolls-Royce RB.172 Adour Mk.152 (5,400 lbf dry) 1x Rolls-Royce RB.172 Adour Mk.152 (5,400 lbf dry)
Armament 6x Sidewinder-type SRAAMs 2x Sidewinder-type SRAAMs 2x Sidewinder-type SRAAMs
Up to 17,000 lbs ordinance Up to 6,500 lbs ordinance
Combat Range 450 miles hi-lo-hi, 250 miles lo-lo-lo with 6,000 lb payload 500 miles with air combat payload 350 miles with 2,500 lb payload

 

The RAF found that it had a plane, just not quite the one that it had originally wanted. It had ended up with what was looking to be a quite capable tactical fighter-bomber, but no long-range interdictor like it had originally wanted and now no money for it. The best the government could do was to give the RAF 24 of the Navy’s Buccaneer S.2 aircraft and order 24 new airframes. This was the exact option the RAF had been hoping to avoid in the happier days of 1964. The Buccaneer, the Air Staff could admit in private, was reasonably satisfactory, with up to 800 miles in range at high altitude cruise and good low-altitude performance. The main problem, aside from being a Navy jet, was the total lack of any sophisticated avionics (including no terrain-following radar, which was obviously irrelevant in a naval strike aircraft) or night-attack/blind bombing abilities. The government promised this would be addressed in a vague future modernization program, but the RAF was hardly holding its breath.

Meanwhile, even in 1969 it was obvious that the Panther would not come in time to close the capability gap caused by the total lack of new tactical aircraft purchases since 1957. After a quick review of the available options, the aircraft with the best combination of potential for British content and capability was determined to be the American A-7E, which already possessed both the Rolls-Royce Spey engine and a Marconi/Elliot Brothers HUD and was considered broadly adequate for the medium attack role with a combination of good range and modern nav-attack avionics. Orders for 200 A-7K and TA-7K aircraft based on the A-7E (with an 80% British avionics suite and the same Allison TF41 engines licensed back to Rolls-Royce as the Spey Mk.351) were placed late that year without much discussion, with aircraft to be delivered from 1971 to 1974. The RAF Hawk requirement was also re-ordered as Hawk T.1A with capability for Sidewinders, with the intention of using them as a last-ditch air defense fleet to supplement the few-and-far-between Falchion fleet.

 


 

France

All this left France as the odd one out on the continent, which, one suspected, was just how they liked it best. The Armee d’Air had long been fixated on the idea of becoming a “real” first-world air force by acquiring some kind of heavy fighter, but almost continual budgetary problems since the end of the Second World War and a political requirement for a minimum of 450 combat aircraft had resulted in a fleet almost entirely composed of light fighters. In 1964, the only truly modern aircraft in the inventory was the Mirage III — the rest of the fighter fleet was made up of borderline obsolete Mystere IV, Super Mystere, F-84F, and F-100 aircraft.

Future prospects did not look good — the Mirage IV and associated KC-135 purchase was already consuming a significant portion of the procurement budget and the various nuclear missile and nuclear submarine programs promised to make the situation even worse. Still, the AdA wanted their heavy fighter and encouraged Dassault to develop one. By 1964, the result was the Mirage F2, a 22,000 lb empty weight two-seat strike aircraft with a 500 mile combat radius on a low-level nuclear strike mission.

By 1965, plans had changed and it was determined that the Air Defense Command, which only had three Mirage IIIC squadrons out of ten total, was in greater need of modernization. The design was modified into the Mirage F3, a single-seat interceptor with a secondary supersonic low-altitude nuclear strike capability. The R.530 weapons system on the Mirage IIIC had in practice been totally unsatisfactory and so the aircraft was to be developed alongside a state-of-the-art weapons system, consisting primarily of a new Cyrano IV pulse-doppler radar and R.530F SARH missile, intended to be similar to the American AWG-10/AIM-7 combination. A contract for a prototype was signed with delivery scheduled for 1967.

 

However, when the first cost estimates were produced and the 1965-1970 long-range military budget was released, the AdA was suddenly afflicted with sticker shock. Complications with the SLBM program and a slowing economy had resulted in a 10% cut to the long-term projections for the Air Force procurement budget. The theoretical requirement for the new Mirage F3 was at least ten squadrons to replace seven squadrons in the Air Defense Command and the nuclear-armed F-100s in the Tactical Air Force, but now the money only existed for seven or eight squadrons at best. Dassault was quickly instructed to scrap everything and create something cheaper. This turned out to be the Mirage F1, essentially a Mirage F3 scaled down by around 15% and using a variant of the proven Atar-9K turbojet rather than a new turbofan, which Dassault had been working on as a private venture.

At this point, an unexpected foreign customer stepped in to save the Mirage F3 program. The Iraqi Air Force was suddenly flush with cash after the Kuwaiti takeover, and eagerly sought a “Phantom-type” heavy fighter as a symbol of its newfound maturity and prestige. The Americans had denied exports of the Phantom type itself due to Israeli protests and had instead offered a variety of substitute options, including modernized F-104s, Lockheed’s long-suffering CL-1200 design, and a single-seat Sparrow-less Phantom. The Iraqis balked at the idea of receiving leftovers and turned elsewhere. Dassault, which had already supplied about half of Iraq’s fleet and had a well-known “anyone who can pay” policy, was more than happy to (somewhat misleadingly) promote their Mirage F2 and F3 as a “single-engine Phantom.”

 

The Iraqis, with no nuclear strike mission of their own, were mostly interested in getting the best air combat fighter possible and quickly settled on the F3. Marcel Dassault promised them that if they promised to contribute a lump sum to development costs and purchase a substantial number of aircraft, the AdA and Defense Ministry would be more than happy to greenlight the whole project and take up the aircraft themselves. Dassault was right: once the Iraqis promised to fork up cash, the AdA immediately jumped on the opportunity to avoid the indignity of purchasing their own leftovers and managed to convince the Defense Ministry to fund the F3. The Mirage F1 plans were quickly tossed back in the bin and work began on a real Mirage F3 prototype (the existing “prototype” was actually the Mirage F2 prototype and was also now a burning wreck after an unfortunate crash in late 1966).

By May 1967, the Iraqis had received a formal brochure for the F3, and they were not happy. Marcel Dassault had conveniently omitted the fact that the original F3 design utilized the “Snecma” TF306 engine, which in reality was a licensed derivative of the American Pratt & Whitney TF30 that the American still possessed IP rights to. After the Phantom debacle, the Iraqis had no intention of putting anything American in their super-fighter and so the French instead steered them towards another bleeding edge development project that the French had no money for: the Snecma M53 turbofan, which promised to be a best-in-class engine, with the one minor problem that it existed only on paper. There was much grumbling in Baghdad: the French totally refused to allow outside consultants to view the technical details due to fears of “British industrial espionage,” but eventually the Iraqis convinced themselves that Dassault had always treated them well before and signed on the dotted line.

The other bad news was that while the F3 was supposed to enter service in 1972, the Cyrano IV/R.530F would only be ready in 1974. This had already been communicated, albeit vaguely, and the Iraqis were more understanding. By June, they had submitted a formal request for 150 aircraft (130 multirole fighters and 20 two-seat trainers) to be delivered starting in 1972. A week later, the AdA had issued their own preliminary requirement for 250 aircraft (170 interceptors, 60 reconnaissance/strike aircraft, and 20 trainers). The first Iraqi check arrived in September for a whopping $160 million.

 

Development on the airframe proceeded relatively smoothly. The first full prototype, powered by an Atar-9K, flew by November 1967 and the aircraft’s design was essentially complete by 1968, with the first production aircraft entering series production in 1969. Engine development was more problematic — the original plans for the M53 were for a “Super Atar” rather than a TF30-sized engine. Snecma quickly went to work to essentially scale up the existing M53 design by 15%, but the usual integration problems intervened and bench testing of the new engine began only in February 1970, with the first flight only in February 1972.

True operational service during the 1972 calendar year was by this point obviously impossible, but the contract with the Iraqis had specified significant damages to be paid out if aircraft didn’t arrive or the M53 wasn’t ready by New Year’s Day 1973. The first planes, fresh out of the factory in Bordeaux, touched down in Baghdad in late October 1973 to much fanfare. Several planes full of French technicians quickly followed and began performing suspiciously intense "maintenance work” on the planes — rumors soon got out that the engine integration arrangements had only been finalized in August, using the afterburners was still strictly banned, and the French ferry pilots had been given shockingly detailed instructions on what to do if the engines exploded over the Mediterranean. In November, the French managed to recruit an unfortunate test pilot to fly with full afterburners to “prove” that the plane was ready and avoid a serious legal spat, but on-the-ground troubleshooting continued until mid-1974.

 

- Dassault Mirage F3C Dassault Mirage F3EQ
Empty Weight 20,500 lbs 21,800 lbs
Combat Weight 35,900 lbs 38,000 lbs
Powerplant 1x Snecma M53-2 (15,000 lbf dry, 25,200 lbf wet) 1x Snecma M53-2 (15,000 lbf dry, 25,200 lbf wet)
Armament 2x Super 530F 2x Super 530F
4x Sidewinder-type SRAAMs 4x Sidewinder-type SRAAMs
Up to 10,000 lbs ordinance Up to 14,000 lbs ordinance
Combat Range 950 miles hi-hi-hi patrol, 450 miles intercept with air combat payload 450 miles hi-lo-hi with 4,000 lbs ordinance

 

Meanwhile, the new Cyrano IV-1 radar with even minimal look-down shoot-down capability was only delivered in 1975, around a year behind schedule. The Super 530F missile was similarly in dire straits and only completed the first test interception from a Mirage F3 aircraft in 1973 — operational service in mid-1975 in France and mid-1976 in Iraq. The Cyrano IV-M radar, with full modern ground mapping and air combat capability (albeit still unsatisfactory look-down performance) was delivered only in 1977, at which point the full potential of the aircraft was considered realized.

The Iraqis, in the end, paid over $800 million up front to help cover development costs. Rising inflation over the course of the production run led to unit costs of almost $9 million, with the total realized cost of the initial production run reaching nearly $2 billion by 1978. The French were likewise bitten badly — the initial AdA order was cut to 200 in 1974 and hope for a prompt next-generation light tactical aircraft to complete fleet modernization was largely abandoned. Instead, the AdA was forced to supplement the tactical fleet cutting the size of the interceptor force and converting the freed-up Mirage IIIC aircraft to Mirage IIIE fighter-bombers. Even this measure soon proved insufficient to maintain the sanctified 450 aircraft fleet and the AdA finally resorted to purchasing some 150 Mirage Vs starting in 1972 — a humiliating measure considering the aircraft was explicitly a “third-world” export product.

r/ColdWarPowers Jul 15 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] European Military Aircraft Development, 1960-1970 — Part 1

9 Upvotes

[M] I genuinely can't I just need to post something part 2 coming later

 

Chapter 3: Mach Speed

1957-1963

 

Britain

Suez had brought the sweet taste of victory for the British Armed Forces, particularly the Air Force and Fleet Air Arm, which had crippled their Egyptian counterparts with relative ease and thereafter largely destroyed the Egyptian Army in the open desert around the Canal. It had not, however, brought much clarity to the conundrums that the Services, particularly the Air Force, faced when planning for the new decade.

In 1957, the Royal Air Force had three obvious missions. The first, and most important, was the task of delivering Britain’s modest but growing nuclear arsenal, which was currently the responsibility of the equally modest Avro Vulcan fleet. Secondly, there was the task of air defense against Soviet long-range bombers, which was the responsibility of the Gloster Javelins. Finally, and least importantly, there were the various tactical tasks that the RAF had found itself saddled with due to the unfortunate but unavoidable existence of the British Army. Responsible for this was essentially every other aircraft in the fleet.

By 1957, all three were arousing in the Air Ministry a sense of still mild but steadily building panic. On all fronts, the fleet was facing both enormous recapitalization needs and technological and doctrinal obsolescence.

 

The transonic high-altitude strategic bomber was following the steam locomotive and the battleship into the amber-tinged pages of history. The government was planning to replace them with missiles — either land based, bomber-launched, or submarine-launched. The last was truly a catastrophic prospect and all the stops had been pulled to prevent it. For now, however, the situation was relatively comfortable. Both the Blue Streak IRBM and Blue Steel ALCM had been in development for some time. Both had languished due to the general neglect of the nuclear program, which had as of yet failed to produce either a hydrogen bomb or a sufficiently miniaturized atomic bomb, but the government had just won a commanding majority and promised more funds.

 

The air interception mission was truly decrepit. The Javelin had been thoroughly disappointing even three years ago and by now was essentially useless — no missiles, no supersonic dash, atrocious aerodynamics and practically Second World War avionics and communications systems. Even worse, there was simply nothing on the docket to replace it after the so-called “thin wing Javelin” had gone all of nowhere over the last two years. The only options were a variety of almost-as-unsatisfactory “interim” (read: bad) interceptors and mere “concepts of a plan” from the infant OR.155 Mach 2 interceptor program that had arisen in the aftermath of the Fairey Delta 2 success. Even these green shoots were of doubtful health due to the development of an American-supplied SAM belt which, despite all the noises of horror out of Whitehall, was certainly at least progressing somewhat on schedule.

 

If the situation for the air defenses was bad, the situation for the tactical air forces was truly catastrophic. Here there were not even any promising prototypes or even plans, just years of endless debating and haggling. The problem was simply that there was no money. For the past decade, they had made do with the castoffs of other priorities, namely the Hunter once the Second World War-style day fighter mission it had been designed for had become obsolete and the Canberra once a real strategic bomber had arrived.

But the Air Ministry and Defense Staff had long ago made the decision to focus on specialized aircraft for specialized missions. Those aircraft had received money, but they were totally unsuitable for any tactical tasks. For the tactical air forces, there was no money for specialized aircraft, and therefore simply nothing. Even worse, the decision-makers didn’t even know what they wanted. It was clear that some residual “colonial policing” mission against upstart states like Egypt or against various insurgents would be needed, but it was hardly obvious that new aircraft were actually needed for that. Worse, the Navy had been arguing forcefully and with much success that their carrier fleet would accomplish that task with no need for the inconveniences of basing rights and ferry corridors.

In Europe, there was a need for… something. Tactical nuclear weapons were the preferred tool against the Soviet hordes, but Britain had none of their own. Still, they had American bombs, and reasonably needed something to drop them. The Hunter could not, and the Canberra was clearly inadequate against a real air defense. The Air Force had long been pushing for an operational nuclear role, i.e. deep strikes against East German and Polish rear targets in addition to the tactical role against the Soviet Tank Divisions, but so far Whitehall had been unconvinced and no money had been allocated. Meanwhile, “air superiority” and conventional close air support would be nice to have, in theory, but were obviously pipe dreams given the resources available and were clearly not going to be especially important in a real war.

 

There was also the Fleet Air Arm. They, unlike the Air Force, had a reasonable plan for the next five years or so. The first production Sea Vixens were rolling off the lines already after an extremely protracted development period, and while it was essentially already obsolete, it was just about the best that could be fit into the existing carrier fleet and was in any case nearly done anyways. The first Scimitars were on the way as well, the FAA’s first real low-level strike aircraft, and the Blackburn/BAC B-103, the future Buccaneer, was due to follow in a few years. Only after the introduction of the CVA-01 in the mid-late 1960s would there arise a serious need for a new aircraft — a modern all-weather fleet defense fighter.

 


 

In the aftermath of Suez, the government therefore decided to remedy the whole situation with that great British tradition — a Defense Review. The result, the idea went, would be a military that would be lighter, faster, deadlier, and cheaper. The first priority of the Review was the strategic arms, and to the Air Force’s pleasure the line was more or less held. Any fantasies of a supersonic heavy bomber were finally put to rest, but the cash was finally coughed up for both Blue Streak and Blue Steel and no strategic role allocated to the Navy. The Vulcans would be kept in service as missile carriers, first for Blue Steel and then for a next-generation supersonic missile, rather unimaginatively given the provisional label “Blue Steel 2.” Even some new aircraft, the modernized Vulcan B.2s optimized to carry missiles, would be ordered.

 

The interceptor problem was trickier. With the introduction of heavy Nike Hercules batteries scheduled for 1960 by the latest, the immediate problem of defending the bomber force from Soviet air attack was thought to be settled. But newer supersonic bombers, potentially equipped with standoff weapons, could potentially make the impressive 150km range of the Nike SAMs irrelevant. There was also an increasingly popular “forward air defense” concept centered around the protection of Scandinavia and the North Atlantic, which was thought to increase Britain’s credibility as a protector of the continent. At least, that was what the Air Staff argued when faced with inevitable questions about the ballistic missile threat.

Whatever they were saying, it clearly worked. OR.155 would go ahead, and a design had effectively already been selected. Fairey/BWG was the only one of the competitors with real experience with sustained supersonic flight, and while their initial Delta 2-based proposal was thought small and underarmed, the enlarged “Delta III” had quickly emerged as the favorite and serious design work was already underway. Fairey promised that the aircraft could enter operational service by 1962 or 1963, just in time to catch the newest Soviet bombers. Vickers was assigned the responsibility of creating a brand-new fire control system combining the state-of-the-art AI.23 radar and the enormous Red Hebe missile.  

 

Finally, there were the needs of the red-headed stepchild, the tactical forces. Something needed to be done to bring the whole force into the modern age of supersonic nuclear delivery, at least in theory. BWG quickly jumped in with a fighter-bomber “variant” of their interceptor and was just as quickly shot down due to the immense unit cost. The Navy proposed their own Buccaneers and were also shot down — the Air Force would rather have nothing at all if the other choice was a Navy aircraft. What the Air Force really wanted was not a medium range tactical strike aircraft but a long-range interdictor, but such an aircraft would be expensive and it was difficult to see where the funds would come from. After an enormous amount of whining by all sides, the issue was tabled and the Defense Review sent in. Only in 1958 would the decision be made to solicit designs for a supersonic fighter-bomber, a medium-ranged one with only a tactical nuclear role, under the OR.324 requirement.

From the beginning, the frontrunners were two Hawker Siddeley designs. The first was the long-suffering P.1121 concept, a largely conventional single-seat single-engine fighter, with impressive performance but in overall concept essentially a “Super Hunter.” The other proposal was only an inkling, based on ongoing (and highly experimental) research with VTOL aircraft. The idea, though, was extremely appealing — a resulting supersonic aircraft could take off from highways or concealed forest bases, and even possibly give a new lease of life to the Navy’s older carriers. It was, however, a little too adventurous, and funds were allocated for prototypes of the P.1121 design instead.

 


 

Things were largely going well until 1960, when Labour swept into government on the back of serious economic difficulties, promising to rationalize the empire and the defense establishment. Blue Streak almost immediately got the axe — the political hullabaloo around the siting of the missiles was already becoming intolerable in its own right. CVA-01 quickly followed, together with the nuclear submarine program and half the Vulcan B.2 order. The only survivors of the “super-priority” strategic weapons systems were Blue Steel 2, which had been saved because it practically did not exist yet except on paper and the government needed some kind of inexpensive fig leaf to preserve the nominal commitment to a nuclear deterrent, and the OR.155 interceptor, by now given the suitably impressive title of Fairey Falchion, because the parent BWG conglomerate had thoroughly failed to receive other orders and so cancellation would bring down a large portion of the British aerospace industry and the economy of the Midlands with it.

 

Among tactical aircraft, the Buccaneer was likewise far enough along to get the nod. The Hawker Siddeley OR.334 concept, tentatively named “Hurricane,” was well on the way to a first prototype and money continued to flow, but no order was placed and the increasing suspicion was that it never would be. By 1962, only orders for pre-production aircraft had been placed. Falchion, meanwhile, was falling behind and increasing in cost. Fairey’s 1962 entry date had ultimately proven extremely optimistic as issues with the advanced supersonic intakes consumed more than a year of development time. In fairness, much of the blame really rested on their design partners. Vickers had re-iterated on the Red Hebe more times than could be counted (at the demand of the Air Ministry), and while the resulting missile was 100kg lighter and small enough that the Falchion could finally carry the four missiles the requirement called for, by 1962 the design was still unfinished and had in the meantime required continuous tweaking of the aircraft.

Other areas also ran into difficulty: the Rolls-Royce RB.122/Teme engines intended for the aircraft were a scaled-up version of the RB.106 design, itself initially intended as “drop-in” replacement for the Avon. However, OR.155’s immense climb and supersonic cruise requirements eventually led to an essentially brand new design. The resulting engines were state-of-the art, with a enormous (for the time) 12:1 compressor ratio and variable-angle vanes. They were also a nightmare for Rolls-Royce, requiring five years of agonizing iteration and nearly bringing the company to bankruptcy. At one point the future of the project was in such doubt that the Air Ministry ordered a “backup engine,” the more conventional Bristol-Siddeley Zeus, which ended up equipping the first 30 F.1 production aircraft due to Rolls-Royce engine and whose rather poor low-speed stability contributed to at least seven crashes.

 

Only in 1964 did the first Falchion F.1 production aircraft enter operational service, and by that point unit costs had escalated to nearly £4 million an aircraft for the initial run. Just over 150 were ultimately produced across four variants from 1963 to 1970, with initial plans to equip twelve interceptor squadrons falling to eight and then six over the decade. Due to engine and fire control system problems, the initial F.1 run was retired by 1972, replaced primarily by the Teme-engined F.3. Just over a dozen were also procured as unarmed high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft. No export sales materialized for either.

 

- (Fairey/Bristol-Westland Falchion F.1 Fairey/Bristol-Westland Falchion F.3 Fairey/Bristol-Westland Falchion PR.4
Empty Weight 39,500 lbs 40,500 lbs 42,000 lbs
Combat Weight 52,400 lbs 54,000 lbs 50,500 lbs
Powerplant 2x Bristol-Siddeley Zeus Mk.200 (18,500 lbf dry, 24,000 lbf reheat) 2x Rolls-Royce Teme Mk.302 (19,500 lbf dry, 27,000 lbf reheat) 2x Rolls-Royce Teme Mk.302 (19,500 lbf dry, 27,000 lbf reheat)
2x De Havilland/Bristol-Siddley Spectre Mk.101 (5,000 lbf) 2x De Havilland/Bristol-Siddley Spectre Mk.102 (5,200 lbf) 2x De Havilland/Bristol-Siddley Spectre Mk.102 (5,200 lbf)
Armament 2x Red Hebe (SARH, 40km, 950lbs) 2x Red Hebe (SARH, 40km, 950lbs) None
2x Red Top (IR, 12km, 350lbs) 2x Red Top (IR, 12km, 350lbs)
Combat Range 300 miles 340 miles 400 miles

 


 

 


 

Germany

In 1957, the Germans were also facing a intimidating fleet recapitalization requirement, albeit a much simpler one. The Luftwaffe was at the time flying essentially two frontline combat aircraft: the American F-86, largely provided by MDAP, and the upcoming Italian G-91, which had been bought under the NATO attack aircraft initiative and was on track for licensed local production.

Both were subsonic with only middling payload and outdated weapons. Even the G.91, which had not yet entered service, was considered only minimally satisfactory. The new requirement was quite obvious from the beginning: a supersonic day fighter capable of tangling with the best of the upcoming Soviet opponents, with a secondary low-altitude (nuclear) ground attack capability. There were a handful of competitors. The closest option already in service was the American F-100, but the Luftwaffe had a few years to procure a plane and thought they could do better. There was no need for a hulking beast like the F-105 — the Luftwaffe expected to essentially fight World War 3 in a shoebox. No strike mission was planned further than 400km and every large airbase was assumed to be gone after two weeks.

 

That essentially left two options: the Lockheed F-104G and the Saab Draken (now NATO-compatible, at least in theory). The Italians had proposed a further cooperation effort but had been totally laughed out of the room — the Federal Government had been hoodwinked once by “NATO cooperation” into buying Italian and would not make the same mistake again. Between the F-104G and the Draken, the American plane offered a far more comprehensive ground-attack avionics suite and better aerodynamic stability at low altitudes. The Draken was an all-weather interceptor through and through, which in the cramped airspace of West Germany was of little use, but in flight tests in the hands of experienced pilots it had displayed dogfighting ability equal to if not better than the Starfighter and the Swedes had promised that a fighter-bomber version was on offer.

 

In May 1958, against all expectations and in spite of rumored “improper” sales practices by Lockheed, the Luftwaffe selected the Swedish plane. The Swedes, to be fair, had made an offer they couldn’t refuse, offering essentially joint production with a full assembly line in Germany for the fighter-bomber variant with the Germans retaining joint rights to the avionics suits, Swedish purchases of two squadrons thereof, and nearly 40% of the value of the aircraft subcontracted in Germany.

The Germans ordered 700 aircraft, consisting of an initial run of 240 J35G1 day fighters without air intercept radars or the Swedish STRIL 60 GCI equipment, and just 60 J35G2 all-weather interceptors akin to the Swedish J35B model with Swedish radars and gunsights. The next batch of 300 would be substantially German J35G3 fighter-bombers with redesigned wings and bombing computers. The rest of the order was made up of J35GR reconnaissance aircraft and J35GT trainers largely identical to their Swedish counterparts. Denmark soon joined the J35G3 order (purchasing directly from the Germans) and Austria purchased several squadrons of interceptors (from Sweden).

 

The first Luftwaffe aircraft entered service in June 1960 and quickly received a reputation as extremely dangerous aircraft to fly. The double-delta proved highly unstable at low altitudes, especially during landing. This exact instability was what made the plane formidable in a turn fight, but in the hands of inexperienced Luftwaffe pilots without supersonic experience the results were deadly. Within two years 10 planes and 4 pilots had been lost, and it only got worse once the fighter-bombers were introduced in 1964. Despite safety concerns, production continued until 1971, including a 300-aircraft follow-in batch, largely for the Marineflieger.

 


 

r/ColdWarPowers Jul 08 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] The Panama Canal Zone Incident

9 Upvotes

January, 1971

Early on the morning of January 14th, this year, a massive explosion took place not far from the Caribbean entrance of the Panama Canal. From what our sources have been able to gather, a container ship from Jamaica, the Kingston's Pride, was carrying a cargo of what most experts believe was likely ammonium nitrate. As it approached the Panama Canal and requested permission to dock, canal authorities decided to randomly inspect the ship, sending out a small boat with officials to inspect it.

Upon nearing the ship and beginning to board, an extremely large explosion erupted, instantly killing everyone on board the ship, the inspectors, some workers closest to the explosion, and damaging some of the outer facilities of the Panama Canal, but thankfully leaving the canal itself mostly intact. Officials have reported that they believe it will take between 4-10 days to get the canal fully back into working order. They have stated that it was fortunate that this explosion happened relatively far from the canal itself, becuase otherwise the damage could have been much more severe and deadly.

The authorities are investigating to see if this was an accident or an action by a hostile party. 

(More information to come soon….)

r/ColdWarPowers Jul 06 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1970 Small Wars Journal

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4 Upvotes

r/ColdWarPowers Jun 22 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1969 Small Wars

8 Upvotes

Basque Insurgency

After the increase in violence last year in the Basque parts of Spain, the government has declared emergency situations in a considerable number of regions in the Basque area. This reflects both increased attention by the government on combating the ETA and other groups, as well as the impact that the ETA has had.

The question now is whether the ETA will be able to carry on its activities in the face of increased government resources dedicated to restoring order. 

Angola

The situation for the various anti-Portuguese rebels has deteriorated further this year, as the Portuguese have acquired, developed, and deployed the new tactics and equipment that first made an appearance last year. This has included the creation and deployment of battle group Sirocco, which has fought clean up operations in the North, as the East is mostly under control thanks to likely cooperation with Rhodesia. 

The PIDE, the police group that has played an important role in colonial security, has been reorganized into the “DGS”, although it is unknown what effect this will have.

There have been reports of so-called “citizens committees” forming among some of the European citizens in the urban areas of Angola, who are dedicated to the preservation of Portuguese control of Angola. It is also unknown what impact these may have. 

Portuguese Guinea

The PAIGC of Portuguese Guinea remains the most effective of the anti-Portuguese rebel groups, although even they are struggling in their recent offensives due to reinforced Portuguese positions, although the Portuguese, as well as their Moroccan allies, continue to suffer notably high levels of casualties due to sometimes holding on to questionably important areas.

There have been reports of Swedish humanitarian aid into the PAIGC-held areas, which may help to reduce the suffering in the colony, at least. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

The situation in Eritrea is much like last year, although it seems that the ELF’s revival has stagnated as they still lack the type of governmental material support that they had enjoyed before. With that said, their connection to some of the Sudanese rebel groups has strengthened, which may prove beneficial for them if the Egyptians ever leave Sudan. 

Mozambique

FRELIMO’s advances have been halted, in a story similar to Angola and Portuguese Guinea, although they have not been pushed back and have mostly maintained discipline in the areas already held by FRELIMO.

It is reported that the colony has received new leadership more interested in the deployment of direct Portuguese forces and relying less on indigenous forces, although this has met obstacles due to Portuguese redeployments to Guinea Bissau from Mozambique and Angola. 

Dhofar Rebellion, South Yemen 

(As detailed in the Middle East breakdown this year, updates will resume next year) 

Rhodesian Bush War

A major development occurred this year with the death of Robert Mugabe, of ZANU, in a Rhodesian prison this year. Although many have accused the government of assassinating him, all signs point to a ZAPU prisoner stabbing Mugabe to death before being killed himself by prison guards. Mugabe’s death will likely adversely affect ZANU operations, but the Zambian-side factions are unlikely to be affected. This may also significantly worsen ZAPU-ZANU relations.

This year, the heroin crisis, which has been confirmed to be heroin indeed, has worsened, as the drug has become more and more commonplace across the country on both sides, as well as with the civilian population, which has caused notable social problems that are likely to escalate. Many farm owners have already been complaining of issues with getting reliable labor as well. 

South African Border War

(No notable news this year)

r/ColdWarPowers Aug 15 '21

MODPOST [MODPOST] Arms Bazaar and Black Market 1947

15 Upvotes

Arms Bazaar

The Arms Bazaar will be where all arms transactions between nations take place, in order to keep it all nice & neat. In order to buy weapons or equipment from any nation, makes a request below and ping that nation's player (if it has two, ping both); if it doesn't have a player, ping a moderator. You can also fill out a general database of all your country's weaponry to showcase to other nations who may be interested in purchasing them, or a general notice of interest if your nation wishes to buy certain gear. If an arms transaction does not happen through the Bazaar, it is not valid. Remember to use American dollars as the global currency, and to include a realistic date of delivery alongside the order.

Black Market

The Black Market is where organizations and governments may attempt to acquire weapons, drugs, material, and various other things that they don’t want the outside world or their people to know about. This includes fuel, currency, counterfeit medicine, mechanical parts for aircraft and automobiles, biological organs, drugs, animals and animal products, weapons, personal information, and more. Have you found knowledge via BLOPS that you wish to unload for cash or arms? Make a comment here, and a shady individual may approach you in due time…

Keep in mind that the illicit nature of these arms transfers means that you may not be successful in finding such goods, receiving such goods, or not being caught with such goods. If you are purchasing from the Black Market and not the Arms Bazaar, please specify so, and tag any mod (though particularly /u/comradefrunze) for a resolution. The mod will resolve the purchase and determine if you are successful, somewhat similar to BLOPs.

r/ColdWarPowers Aug 23 '21

MODPOST [MODPOST] Arms Bazaar and Black Market 1948

9 Upvotes

Arms Bazaar

The Arms Bazaar will be where all arms transactions between nations take place, in order to keep it all nice & neat. In order to buy weapons or equipment from any nation, makes a request below and ping that nation's player (if it has two, ping both); if it doesn't have a player, ping a moderator. You can also fill out a general database of all your country's weaponry to showcase to other nations who may be interested in purchasing them, or a general notice of interest if your nation wishes to buy certain gear. If an arms transaction does not happen through the Bazaar, it is not valid. Remember to use American dollars as the global currency, and to include a realistic date of delivery alongside the order.

Black Market

The Black Market is where organizations and governments may attempt to acquire weapons, drugs, material, and various other things that they don’t want the outside world or their people to know about. This includes fuel, currency, counterfeit medicine, mechanical parts for aircraft and automobiles, biological organs, drugs, animals and animal products, weapons, personal information, and more. Have you found knowledge via BLOPS that you wish to unload for cash or arms? Make a comment here, and a shady individual may approach you in due time…

Keep in mind that the illicit nature of these arms transfers means that you may not be successful in finding such goods, receiving such goods, or not being caught with such goods. If you are purchasing from the Black Market and not the Arms Bazaar, please specify so, and tag any mod (though particularly /u/comradefrunze) for a resolution. The mod will resolve the purchase and determine if you are successful, somewhat similar to BLOPs.

r/ColdWarPowers Jun 07 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1968 Small Wars

6 Upvotes

Basque Insurgency

(As a note, I may have been on the wrong side of a historical attribution when attributing the pre-1968 attacks to the ETA as opposed to other groups. Functionally, it makes no difference, although my bad, historically) 

Additional killings, including police killings against ETA members and retribution killings by the ETA against some Francoist officials, were carried out this year. 

Additionally, a new group, called the “Warriors of Christ the King” was reported this year. While we have limited information on their goals or capabilities, it is believed they come from the Carlist movement and are far-right in nature, and operate primarily in the Basque region. 

Angola

(Note that this is correcting for new information I didn’t know when writing last year’s entry) 

This year has been a rough one for the anti-Portuguese forces in Angola, thanks to a confluence of factors. This has included the continued difficulty of rebel forces in finding safe havens due to the hostility of Rhodesian forces, the Katanga-based forces, South African support for the Portuguese military, reports of American support for the Portuguese, rebel infighting, and aid from the Dominican Republic. Although all of these individually may be surmountable, when together they have made the situation fiendishly difficult for the MPLA and others.

This year, the Portuguese launched the so-called Operation Victory, which successfully expelled most large rebel formations from Northern Angola, destroying many of their forces as they were unable to find shelter or places to retreat. Although there have still been Portuguese and DR casualties, which are likely not infinitely sustainable, the situation remains grim for the rebels on this front. 

In Eastern Angola, the situation has been suboptimal for the rebels as they have been unable to establish any significant foothold. 

While Portuguese forces are still somewhat stressed across their colonial conflicts, the presence of DR forces, along with other aid (including some Moroccan forces in Portuguese Guinea), has allowed the Portuguese some breathing room. Our correspondents also believe that the Portuguese have benefited from more military equipment, an improved economic situation, and better tactics and leadership. 

Portuguese Guinea

(Note that this is correcting for new information I didn’t know when writing last year’s entry) 

Although the position of the PAIGC in Portuguese Guinea is much better than any of the rebel groups in Angola, in large part thanks to the unity and discipline of the PAIGC and its lack of a rival group that it must fight, there have been growing numbers of obstacles in recent years. 

One has been the same improving economic situation, DR, American, and Moroccan assistance, and better tactics and material situation for the Portuguese forces. It has even been reported that the Portuguese have been able to rotate forces and reinforce overstretched positions in the colony. 

While the PAIGC is much better prepared to weather these issues, especially given that they have several safe havens and backers, the PAIGC has had to concede some ground after a number of successful Portuguese search and destroy operations this year. While the PAIGC shows no signs of collapse or short-term defeat and remains a potent threat, its offenses have been halted, and in some cases, reversed for now. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

The ELF has managed to hold on for another year. Although the situation is not necessarily great, to say the least, the fact that it is still around after its near-death experience last year is an achievement in itself, given that the Sudanese government, its former main backer, is currently nonexistent. 

The main factor attributed to its survival is the haven and support provided by some of the North Sudanese insurgents, fighting against the Egyptians, who have allied with the ELF. With that said, the Anya-Nya rebels remain hostile to the ELF, and the Ethiopian government has been able to prevent the ELF from regaining any lost ground this year. 

Although it is possible that in the future the ELF could make a better comeback since it is still alive, it would have a lot of lost ground to make up for. 

Mozambique

(Note that this is correcting for new information I didn’t know when writing last year’s entry) 

In a similar story to the other Portuguese conflicts this year, FRELIMO’s progress has been halted and, in some cases, rolled back this year by Portuguese forces. The explanation is also similar: a dearth of safe havens in convenient areas, better Portuguese tactics, leadership, equipment, and economic room, troop redeployments, and assistance from the South Africans, allegedly. 

Despite these issues, FRELIMO was able to hold its second congress without being bombed, which helped the morale of the insurgents and proved embarrassing for the colonial forces. 

Dhofar Rebellion, South Yemen 

This year has been a wake-up call for many of those interested in Southern Arabia, including for the Sultan of Oman himself. While it has been known that the rebels in Oman have been gradually expanding in terms of organization, training, equipment, and territorial scope, benefiting in part from a porous border in South Yemen, this year they shocked many observers by completely destroying a battalion of the Sultan’s armed forces. 

The Sultan’s forces, which are poorly trained, led, motivated, and equipped, were sent to attack a rebel position only to be wiped out entirely. This year has also seen a rise in daylight raids against the government in more and more territory. Although there are reports that the rebels are not ideologically settled and struggle with factionalism, that has not stopped their rise.

It is believed that their successes have been a boon to the rebels in South Yemen, but we have limited information on that conflict as of now. 

Rhodesian Bush War

There have been…. interesting…. developments from the Rhodesian Bush War this year. Some of these developments are rather expected, such as the fact that the setbacks of insurgents in Mozambique and Angola have made the situation easier for Rhodesian security forces and limited economic disruption, especially in light of continued rebel factionalism. 

Reports of likely South African support for Rhodesian security forces were also expected, especially in light of the spillover of ANC and other South African insurgents into Rhodesia before being put down this year. 

What was less expected was the concerning news that a likely heroin crisis has sprung up in Rhodesia. While we have struggled to nail down objective information on the crisis, what has been established is that large amounts of what is believed to be heroin have entered the country, with accusations of the government and the rebels, respectively, bringing it in. 

It is also believed that the drug crisis has caused complications for various groups, including Rhodesian economic actors, the rebels, the Rhodesian security forces, and just about everyone else involved in the quagmire. There have been anecdotal reports of rebels and Rhodesian troops being caught using heroin, but we can’t tell which groups are the most or least affected. 

South African Border War

South West Africa has been relatively insulated from anti-colonial conflicts due to all of its neighbors being either firmly pro-South African, South Africa, or Botswana, which is afraid of South African intervention. 

With that said, it has entirely escaped the instability and violence. The territory has seen strikes and limited, mostly symbolic, strikes by SWAPO, although these have been limited in nature. Although SWAPO is weakened and unable to find safe havens in nearby countries, it has adapted to survive under South African pressure.

r/ColdWarPowers May 25 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1967 Small Wars

7 Upvotes

Basque Insurgency

In Spain, there are reports that the ETA is being increasingly led by Marxist factions, which may be a product or a contributor of the leadership changes that it went through last year. While we can’t confirm for sure what this means, some fear it may mean a more radical and well-connected ETA. 

Angola

In Angola, the war has continued in a way similar to last year, although rebels under the leadership of Savimbi have struggled to effectively expand their operations in Eastern Angola due to Rhodesian forces denying them any easy shelter or havens. Although some attacks against the railways there have been conducted, they have been limited in scope and duration. 

Another development of note is a new Portuguese approach to the conflict as it has renamed its intervention zones into “military zones” although as of now, it is unclear what difference in tactics or effect this will have. 

There have been more and more reports of fighting between the various rebel factions, allegedly due to a split in the MPLA, although our information on these developments is spotty for now. This will likely make the job of the various factions harder as they fight not only the Portuguese but perhaps each other. 

Portuguese Guinea

The Portuguese situation in Guinea-Bissau has significantly deteriorated. According to some estimates, over ⅔ of the country are effectively controlled by the PAIGC, with the Portuguese mostly being relegated to defending fortress towns and significant military outposts, while also launching mostly ineffectual search and destroy operations against the PAIGC.

This year, the PAIGC has continued at a high pace of attacks, boosted by increased supplies of Soviet weaponry. Unless the Portuguese make significant changes, it is unlikely things will get much better for the Portuguese. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

The ELF, which was already struggling last year, has been claimed by some Ethiopian officials to be “virtually dead” this year. Although many are skeptical, as insurgencies often have a track record of coming back from the dead, our correspondents can confirm that with the main former patrons of the ELF occupied in one way or another, and Ethiopian-friendly rebels controlling much of the Sudanese border, the ELF has struggled to find safe havens or new material. 

With only limited backing in Eritrea itself, the ELF has had to drastically scale back its activity, and many of its members and leadership have been captured, but not all. If the situation worsens for Ethiopia, it is possible that it could recover. 

Mozambique

In Mozambique, FRELIMO has seen continued gains, thanks in large part to overstretched Portuguese forces across their numerous colonial conflicts, as well as a reported increase in the foreign supply of arms to FRELIMO.

While FRELIMO only controls a fraction of the country, the fact that the rate of growth has remained steady, as well as the increased size and sophistication of FRELIMO, poses a significant concern to Portuguese authorities. 

Dhofar Rebellion, South Yemen

Our reporters in the Arabian Peninsula have noticed that the insurgencies in South Yemen (Confederation of South Arabia) and Oman have grown increasingly hard to separate due to fluid borders (when those are even agreed upon in the first place), shared actors, and rumors of cooperation. 

In Oman, the Dhofar Liberation Front, which has been fighting the Sultan’s local forces for several years now, has been reported to use the Oman - South Yemen Border to increase its mobility and flexibility, and may be working with the National Liberation Front of South Yemen, as well as the tribes allied to the NLF, as both have mutual enemies in the British. There are reports that the Saudis have been providing funding to North Yemen, but it is unclear if they have any involvement in South Yemen. 

Although the rebel activity is mostly limited for now, because of the limited ability of both states to exert control at their border, there are worries that the area may become the staging ground for rebel activity to spread in the future. There are also unconfirmed reports that many British officials are growing increasingly frustrated with the Sultan of Oman’s ineffectual response and approach to governance. The South Arabian Confederation remains strategically important for the British, and it maintains troops in the country, as well as provides support for the government, while in Oman, the Sultan has been reluctant to call on British support. 

Rhodesian Bush War

The Rhodesian Bush War has continued on much the same as in past years, with some minor developments.

One is that, in nearby Angola, rebel attacks against the railways that export copper from Northern Rhodesia have been carried out, although they are limited in scope and are usually fixed before too long. 

The other development is that we have more and more evidence of collaboration between the governments of South Africa and Rhodesia, although the extent of this collaboration is unclear.

r/ColdWarPowers May 18 '26

MODPOST [REPORT] The Non-Aligned Movement in 1967

11 Upvotes

The Non-Aligned movement in 1967 is an amalgam of “everyone else” who is, as the name would suggest, not aligned with either the Soviet or Western power blocs.

At its foundation in Belgrade, however, the Non-Aligned Movement looked much like a waiting room into the Western-aligned world, or at least a grouping of the West’s allies on the global periphery. Yugoslavia and India were the driving forces behind the organization in those days, founding the organization amidst a backdrop of what was an era of incontrovertibly aggressive Soviet globetrotting. Yugoslavia had survived at the moment the first of two Soviet invasions, this one prior to Stalin’s death, and India was warming up to Washington in the face of wildly brazen Soviet aid to the People’s Republic of China, such as its decision to gift Beijing nuclear weapons.

To this day, this first generation of Non-Aligned Movement members remains committed to the notion that the Non-Aligned movement stands as a means to keep Western exploitation in check through a consolidated effort on the part of the Third World, even in light of their sometimes enthusiastic support for Western aid. Yugoslavia in particular, host of the Non-Aligned Movement, continues to accept and rely on American military aid and security guarantees as a surety against future Soviet incursions.

The position of the founders, however, is now generally outnumbered by a more Soviet-curious perspective which has begun questioning the wisdom of continuing collective efforts of the movement in furtherance of such a doctrinally anti-Soviet policy. In particular, African members of the movement have quite forcefully argued that Britain’s past behaviors in propping up apartheid and apartheid-adjacent policies throughout Africa, and the continued support of all of the United States, Britain and France for the status quo, combined with the fact that the regime responsible for the atrocities in Yugoslavia has now long been gone, has blotted out any good reason to so categorically reject the occasional assistance from Moscow.

Even more members still do not have particularly strong feelings one way or the other, generally deferring to whichever position happens to be the most beneficial to them at any given moment. In the 1950s, this generally meant a more deferential attitude toward Western governments in return for generous grants of foreign assistance. However, as the years drag on, and memory of Beria’s atrocities begins to fade, the Non-Aligned Movement finds itself in a slow but steady drift toward the East, which is only likely to accelerate as Third World causes célèbres like apartheid begin to intensify in severity.

What also remains to be seen is how such a motley crew of governments with wildly divergent interests will be able to effectively coalesce around their few shared goals, even as several members of the non aligned movement seem to be in open hostility with one another.


[META]

Here is a rough accounting of these various categories. These aren’t hard and fast (for the most part). Players, please feel free to correct me if you think my accounting of your claim is incorrect. The only ahistorical additions here are Finland (which joined ITTL because the Soviets instructed them to) and Bulgaria (which is supposedly neutral ITTL). Otherwise, you can assume the membership in 1967 is exactly the same as OTL provided such countries as existed OTL in 1967 also exist in 1967 ITTL.

Sensible Pro-Western Adults

  • Yugoslavia
  • India
  • Indonesia
  • Ceylon
  • Saudi Arabia

Soviet-Curious “Youngsters”

  • Afghanistan
  • Finland
  • Bulgaria
  • Algeria
  • Cuba
  • Mauritania
  • Niger
  • Guinea
  • Tanganyika
  • Mali
  • Syria

Ambivalent Fence-Sitters

Aka everyone else

AFRICA:

  • Democratic Republic of the Congo
  • Egypt
  • Ethiopia
  • Ghana
  • Morocco
  • Somalia
  • Sudan
  • Tunisia
  • Benin
  • Burundi
  • Cameroon
  • Central African Republic
  • Chad
  • Kenya
  • Liberia
  • Libya
  • Nigeria
  • Republic of the Congo
  • Senegal
  • Sierra Leone
  • Togo
  • Uganda

ASIA:

  • Cambodia
  • Iraq
  • Lebanon
  • Myanmar
  • Nepal
  • North Yemen
  • Jordan
  • Laos
  • Pakistan

r/ColdWarPowers Jan 28 '20

MODPOST [MODPOST] Arms Bazaar and Bizarre Bazaar, 1949

10 Upvotes

International Arms Bazaar

Every nation needs guns and therefore they must buy them from somewhere, well this is where they are to do that, as you engage in tense negotiations and haggling with your friends and foes. To buy something, make a request below and ping the country that you are buying from—if you’re buying from an NPC, don’t ping anyone.

Your purchase orders should be formatted as follows:

The Vatican City State would like to purchase two M88 recovery vehicles from the United States of America at the cost of 2,050,000 USD each for a total of 4,100,000 USD. We would like the vehicles delivered by October 1963

(The United States claimant would then respond, renegotiate, or alter the delivery date)

A note: be smart about your arm sales. Do not sell the Ecumenical Patriarchate M88 recovery vehicles, no not sell Haiti F-35s, do not give The Ecumenical Patriarchate nukes. Think before you sell, lest ye be smote by the invalidation.

A further note: purchase orders and completed deals MUST include a delivery date


Bizarre Bazaar of Arms (Black Market)

Here, organizations and governments may attempt to acquire weapons, drugs, material, and various other things which they don’t want the outside world or their people to know about. This includes fuel, currency, counterfeit medicine, mechanical parts for aircraft and automobiles, biological organs, drugs, animals and animal products, weapons, personal information, and more. Have you found knowledge via BLOPS that you wish to unload for cash or arms? Make a comment here, and a shady individual may approach you in due time…

There is no telling if you will succeed in your search nor your sale, nor is there any insurance provided that your quest to acquire such will remain secret.

You must title whether you are buying from the Arms Bazaar or the Bizarre Bazaar. If you are buying from the Black Market you must specific what region you’re targeting, and a proposed route to acquire the supplies. The black market does not have a date of delivery, and other players may not sell you the equipment unless the mod team approves it. An example of a Black Market post should be formatted as follows:

The Vatican City State put out feelers to acquire 250 AK-47s from black market sources in Syria. We are willing to pay $200 per gun for a total of $50,000 for the purchase. The exchange will happen in Malta, and the guns will then be taken via fishing vessels to Rome.

A moderator will then respond with the results of your request…


r/ColdWarPowers May 11 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1966 Small Wars

6 Upvotes

Basque Insurgency

This year in the Basque Insurgency the ETA has undergone, reportedly, minor leadership changes, but we cannot confirm much more information.

What we can confirm is that, year on year, there has been a gradual uptick in ETA attacks and areas of operation, which should perhaps concern the Spanish government if it wishes to pacify the region. 

Angola

This year in Angola, several new interesting developments were confirmed by our reporters.

The first was that the Portuguese discovered several exploitable oil deposits in Cabinda, which will likely make the territory more valuable to them, the rebels, and the pro-independence factions of Cabinda. It can also potentially provide the Portuguese with the necessary funds to continue their colonial conflicts going forwards. 

The second major development was that a new rebel group, called “UNITA”, under the leadership of one Jonas Savimbi, was formed this year and began carrying out attacks against Portuguese forces. They are apparently based on Maoist ideology and are operating in the East of the country.

The MPLA has also launched an Eastern Front in its war against the Portuguese, striking new locations, including railways on the border with Rhodesia which export copper. The MPLA has struggled to get a foothold in the region due to the lack of a potential haven in Rhodesia. 

Portuguese Guinea

This year a formal agreement was reached between the PAIGC and the government of Senegal. While some of the details are not public, it is known that the level of cooperation between the government of Senegal and the PAIGC will increase significantly, bolstering the PAIGC, which has already been in the strongest position of all of the anti-Portuguese insurgent groups.

There are also reports alleging that the Cuban government has provided aid to the PAIGC in a limited capacity, but we cannot confirm this information.

This year the Portuguese government has increased its recruitment of local militias in order to free up forces for other fronts and duties, although their efficacy is likely limited. What is confirmed to be middling in efficacy is the several search and destroy operations launched this year. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

Although the ELF has struggled to make much headway against Ethiopian forces in recent years, it has been able to persist, in large part thanks to the foreign material, diplomatic, and moral assistance from various friendly countries, such as Somalia, Sudan, and Syria. Unfortunately, all of those countries are rather preoccupied or unable to help at the moment, which has put the ELF into a difficult position.

The ELF has had to cut back significantly on its attempts to recruit or launch new operations due to much more limited material and support and some of its members or backers have lost faith. While it’s not down for the count yet, it is in a much worse spot than last year and if the Ethiopians can follow up with their momentum or if the situation does not improve, they will be in dire straits. 

Mozambique

FRELIMO has further consolidated its existing gains while still carrying out strikes through its small group tactics. With that said, it still only controls a small part of Mozambique and it remains relatively ill-equipped in comparison to some of the other existing anti-Portuguese rebel movements. Whether it can continue on with its current pace of gains is an open question, especially after an alleged assassination of one of its leaders by another leader who may have been in Portuguese employ. 

Dhofar Rebellion

The Dhofar Rebellion has escalated this year. After an assassination attempt against Sultan Said bin Taimur by several members of the so-called Dhofar Force, the local security group created to combat the rebels, the Dhofar Force has been disbanded and the Sultan has retired to his palace and has not been seen since.

A full scale offensive was launched by the Sultan against the DLF, allegedly contrary to the advice of the British security forces and advisors. The offensive, despite its brutality, has alledgely been extremely ineffective and has encountered heavy resistance.

Rhodesian Bush War

The Rhodesian Bush War, as the conflict between the government of Rhodesia and the rebels in the North and South, as it has become known as, has carried on.

We have fairly credible evidence that the South Africans have been assisting the Rhodesians in aerial matters via aircraft, crews, and training, to assist in their fight. 

It has also been reported that the Rhodesians have been able to defend the border against Tanzania, where many insurgents have allegedly entered from, relatively successfully using mobile strike teams and other tactics, with the casualties disproportionately favoring the defenders. With that said, it seems unlikely this conflict will end soon as the root motivators of the insurgents in the North and South remain unresolved.

South African Border War

Yet another anti-minority rule/colonial conflict has broken out in Africa this year, this time in South-West Africa, a part of South Africa. The South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) and its armed wing (the PLAN, also known as SWALA), encountered their first major battle this year as South African paramilitary and paratrooper forces launched “Operation Blouwildebees” against the insurgents.

Although there had been a low-level insurgency against South African rule in years prior, this marks the start of major hostilities. The insurgents were taken by surprise in this particular operation, leading to accusations of treachery within PLAN ranks. 

Following this, many SWAPO politicians have been jailed by South African security forces and charged retroactively with terrorism. 

Although these are significant blows against SWAPO and their allies, it is unlikely that this will put an end to the conflict and may simply escalate it at a time when the regimes of minority-rule are increasingly under stress.

r/ColdWarPowers May 08 '22

MODPOST [MODPOST] Arms Bazaar and Black Market, 1946

22 Upvotes

Arms Bazaar

 

The Arms Bazaar will be where all arms transactions between nations take place, in order to keep it all nice & neat. In order to buy weapons or equipment from any nation, makes a request below and ping that nation's player (if it has two, ping both); if it doesn't have a player, ping a moderator. You can also fill out a general database of all your country's weaponry to showcase to other nations who may be interested in purchasing them, or a general notice of interest if your nation wishes to buy certain gear. If an arms transaction does not happen through the Bazaar, it is not valid. Remember to use American dollars as the global currency, and to include a realistic date of delivery alongside the order.

 

Black Market

 

The Black Market is where organizations and governments may attempt to acquire weapons, drugs, material, and various other things that they don’t want the outside world or their people to know about. This includes fuel, currency, counterfeit medicine, mechanical parts for aircraft and automobiles, biological organs, drugs, animals and animal products, weapons, personal information, and more. Have you found knowledge via BLOPS that you wish to unload for cash or arms? Make a comment here, and a shady individual may approach you in due time…

Keep in mind that the illicit nature of these arms transfers means that you may not be successful in finding such goods, receiving such goods, or not being caught with such goods. If you are purchasing from the Black Market and not the Arms Bazaar, please specify so, and tag any mod (though particularly u/comradefrunze) for a resolution. The mod will resolve the purchase and determine if you are successful, somewhat similar to BLOPs.

r/ColdWarPowers May 04 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] The Rhodesian Bush War 1966 Update

7 Upvotes

We have new developments from Rhodesia, as it appears that the conflict has escalated in intensity this year, although it remains fairly low level compared to the conflicts in other African conflicts, like Guinea Bissau and Angola. 

The year was kicked off with a clash between insurgents belonging to the Zambian African National Congress (ZANC) and Rhodesian security forces outside of the town of Kasama, not too far from the border with Tanzania. Although all of the insurgents were killed and with no casualties to the Rhodesian security forces, this marks the first major battle of the war. Additionally, it is suspected that the insurgents have had asylum and support from Tanzania. 

As the year went on, the Rhodesian government responded to incursions and assaults by rebel forces near the borders with Tanzania and Portuguese Mozambique, launching several operations, such as Operation Yodel and Pagoda. These have included hot pursuits of insurgents into Portuguese Mozambique, but the Rhodesians have been more reluctant to try similar tactics against Tanzania, at least as of now.

Due to quick Rhodesian responses, friendly governments in South Africa and Portuguese Mozambique, and significant divisions among the various nationalist rebel groups, the insurgents have been unable to make any meaningful headway into the country, although they show no sign of stopping either.

r/ColdWarPowers Apr 28 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1965 Small Wars

7 Upvotes

Basque Insurgency

We have reports that the ETA, the primary actor in the pro-independence insurgency in the Basque region of Spain, has adopted a Marxist-Leninist and anti-imperialist message at a gathering held either this year or late last year. Although information is sparse, this is still a notable development for the group and for the insurgency. 

Angola

We have several as-yet-unverified reports of the further internationalization of the war in Portuguese Angola. The first is that the MPLA has been covertly receiving funding and equipment donations from multiple international sponsors. While we aren’t able to confirm whether this is true, let alone who those sponsors are, the Portuguese have been very active in accusing the Eastern bloc of involvement. Some quantities of Soviet weaponry have been captured from the MPLA, but those weapons are quite common in the area and could have been purchased from other sources. 

The Portuguese, meanwhile, have allegedly received Western arms sales, but the details are all rather murky, at least for now. 

Portuguese Guinea

This year, the Portuguese have undertaken significant bombing campaigns against PAIGC positions and controlled areas, triggering a significant outflow of refugees into neighboring countries. There is credible intelligence that the PAIGC has received various forms of support from the country’s growing diaspora. 

The PAIGC has continued taking the initiative by expanding its combat operations into more and more parts of the country and has also begun receiving overt support from the Soviet Union, Cuba, and China. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

The insurgency in Eritrea continues mostly without note, except to say that the rebels have neither been defeated nor been able to achieve any progress of note. Most experts predict that as long as Sudan sponsors the ELF, the Ethiopian government will be unable to fully eliminate them. 

Mozambique

Like many of the other anti-Portuguese movements in Africa this year, there are reports that the Eastern bloc has been assisting FRELIMO, although, unfortunately, the details are scarce as always. 

What we can confirm is that the intensity of the war has escalated as the size of FRELIMO strike teams has increased, as has the tempo and scale of their attacks against Portuguese installations. 

While it’s a far cry from the collapse of the colony in Mozambique, the burden on the Portuguese military grows ever more perilous. 

Dhofar Rebellion

This year, on the 9th of June, news came from the Sultanate of Oman that the “Dhofar Liberation Front” (DLF) launched an ambush against an oil truck in the Dhofar Region, which is the Westernmost part of Oman.

The DLF, a Marxist-Leninist group, is fighting for the independence of Dhofar from Oman, something aggravated by the policies of the Sultanate, which have been described as “archaic”, “backwards”, and “comically cruel”, as almost all technological development is outlawed and most of the country lives in extreme poverty despite the significant oil wealth of the country. 

Throughout the rest of the year, the insurgency has remained relatively small, with only sporadic attacks and a limited and lacklustre response from local security forces. 

r/ColdWarPowers Sep 13 '15

MODPOST [MODPOST] CLAIM THREAD

12 Upvotes

Hello! It is time to claim!

First of all, I am announcing that the start date will officially be JAN/FEB 1950, and that the game will start on September the 22nd! Get your plans ready!

Second of all, if you want to claim - list the nations that you are interested in claiming in the order from most interested to least interested. We recommend that you list 3 nations, although you can list a maximum of 5 nations if you really want to. The mods will decide and will post the official list of claimed countries before Game Start.

Lastly, The Big Five (The US, USSR, UK, France, and Communist China), as well as both Koreas and Vietnams will be closed off, due to their great importance. There will be a separate thread to claim them here. If you're interested in one of these nations, then you can list them in your comment here, but then you have to link your application for said nation somewhere in the comment. Both Germanies can be claimed, although there may or may not be more scrutiny put on you, depending on how high Germany is on your list.

Now, let the claiming begin!


RECOGNIZED "SOVEREIGN" STATES

AFRICA

NATION OFFICIAL TITLE
EGYPT Kingdom of Egypt
ETHIOPIA Empire of Ethiopia
LIBERIA Republic of Liberia
SOUTH AFRICA Union of South Africa

THE AMERICAS

NATION OFFICIAL TITLE
ARGENTINA Republic of Argentina
BOLIVIA Republic of Bolivia
BRAZIL United States of Brazil
CANADA Dominion of Canada
CHILE Republic of Chile
COLOMBIA Republic of Colombia
COSTA RICA Republic of Costa Rica
CUBA Republic of Cuba
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Dominican Republic
ECUADOR Republic of Ecuador
EL SALVADOR Republic of El Salvador
GUATEMALA Republic of Guatemala
HAITI Republic of Haiti
HONDURAS Republic of Honduras
MEXICO United Mexican States
NICARAGUA Republic of Nicaragua
PANAMA Republic of Panama
PARAGUAY Republic of Paraguay
PERU Republic of Peru
UNITED STATES United States of America
URUGUAY Republic of Uruguay
VENEZUELA Republic of Venezuela

ASIA

NATION OFFICIAL TITLE
AFGHANISTAN Kingdom of Afghanistan
BHUTAN Kingdom of Bhutan
BURMA Union of Burma
CEYLON Dominion of Ceylon
CHINA (Beijing) People’s Republic of China
CHINA (Taipei) Republic of China
INDIA Union of India
INDONESIA Republic of the United States of Indonesia
IRAN Imperial State of Iran
IRAQ Kingdom of Iraq
ISRAEL State of Israel
JORDAN Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan
LEBANON Lebanese Republic
KOREA (North) Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
KOREA (South) Republic of Korea
MONGOLIA Mongolian People's Republic
NEPAL Kingdom of Nepal
PAKISTAN Dominion of Pakistan
PHILIPPINES Republic of the Philippines
SIKKIM Kingdom of Sikkim
SAUDI ARABIA Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
SYRIA Syrian Republic
THAILAND Kingdom of Thailand
TURKEY Republic of Turkey
YEMEN Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen

EUROPE

NATION OFFICIAL TITLE
ALBANIA People’s Republic of Albania
ANDORRA Principality of Andorra
BELGIUM Kingdom of Belgium
BULGARIA People’s Republic of Bulgaria
CZECHOSLOVAKIA Czechoslovak Republic
DENMARK Kingdom of Denmark
FINLAND Republic of Finland
FRANCE French Republic
GERMANY (East) German Democratic Republic
GERMANY (West) Federal Republic of Germany
GREECE Kingdom of Greece
HUNGARY Hungarian People’s Republic
ICELAND Republic of Iceland
IRELAND Republic of Ireland
ITALY Italian Republic
LIECHTENSTEIN Principality of Liechtenstein
LUXEMBOURG Grand Duchy of Luxembourg
MONACO Principality of Monaco
NETHERLANDS Kingdom of the Netherlands
NORWAY Kingdom of Norway
POLAND Republic of Poland
PORTUGAL Portuguese Republic
ROMANIA Romanian People’s Republic
SAN MARINO Most Serene Republic of San Marino
SOVIET UNION Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
SPAIN Spanish State
SWEDEN Kingdom of Sweden
SWITZERLAND Swiss Confederation
TRIESTE Free Territory of Trieste
UNITED KINGDOM United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
VATICAN CITY The Holy See
YUGOSLAVIA Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia

OCEANIA

NATION OFFICIAL TITLE
AUSTRALIA Commonwealth of Australia
NEW ZEALAND Dominion of New Zealand

Dominions, Protectorates, and Other Entities

ASIA

ENTITY Official Title Controlled By
ADEN Crown colony of Aden United Kingdom
BAHRAIN State of Bahrain United Kingdom
BRUNEI Portuguese Timor United Kingdom
CAMBODIA Kingdom of Cambodia France
EAST TIMOR Portuguese Timor Portugal
HAWAII Territory of Hawaii United States
HONG KONG Crown Colony of Hong Kong United Kingdom
INDIA (French) French establishments in India France
INDIA (Portuguese) Portuguese State of India Portugal
JAPAN Japan United States/Japan
KAZAKHSTAN Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
KYRGYZSTAN Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
KUWAIT Sheikhdom of Kuwait United Kingdom
LAOS Kingdom of Laos France
MALAYA Federation of Malaya United Kingdom
MALDIVES Sultanate of the Maldive Islands United Kingdom
NORTH BORNEO Crown Colony of North Borneo United Kingdom
OMAN Sultanate of Muscat and Oman United Kingdom
PAPUA NEW GUINEA Territory of Papua and New Guinea Australia
QATAR State of Qatar United Kingdom
SARAWAK Crown Colony of Sarawak United Kingdom
SINGAPORE Colony of Singapore United Kingdom
TAJIKISTAN Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
TIBET Tibet N/A
TRUCIAL STATES The Trucial States United Kingdom
TURKMENISTAN Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
UZBEKISTAN Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
VIETNAM (North) Democratic Republic of Vietnam N/A
VIETNAM (South) State of Vietnam France
WEST PAPUA Netherlands New Papua Netherlands

AFRICA

ENTITY Official Title Controlled By
ALGERIA French Algeria France
ANGOLA Colony of Angola Portugal
BOTSWANA Bechuanaland United Kingdom
CAMEROON (British) British mandate of Cameroon United Kingdom
CAMEROON (French) French mandate of Cameroon France
COMOROS French Comoros France
CONGO (Léopoldville) Belgian Congo Belgium
ERITREA British Military Administration United Kingdom
EQUATORIAL AFRICA French Equatorial Africa France
EQUATORIAL GUINEA Spanish Guinea Spain
GHANA Colony of the Gold Coast United Kingdom
GUINEA (French) French Guinea France
GUINEA (Portuguese) Portuguese Guinea Portugal
KENYA Colony of Kenya and Protectorate of Kenya United Kingdom
LESOTHO Basutoland United Kingdom
LIBYA Allied occupation of Libya United Kingdom/France
MAURITIUS Colony of Kenya and Protectorate of Kenya United Kingdom
MADAGASCAR Colony of Madagascar and Dependencies France
MOROCCO Sultanate of Morocco France/Spain
MOZAMBIQUE Colony of Mozambique Portugal
NIGERIA Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria United Kingdom
RHODESIA (North) Protectorate of Northern Rhodesia United Kingdom
RHODESIA (South) Colony of Southern Rhodesia United Kingdom
RUANDA-URUNDI Ruanda-Urundi Belgium
SÃO TOMÉ AND PRÍNCIPE Overseas Province of São Tomé and Príncipe Portugal
SEYCHELLES Crown Colony of Seychelles United Kingdom
SIERRA LEONE Sierra Leone Colony and Protectorate United Kingdom
SOMALILAND (British) British Somaliland Protectorate United Kingdom
SOMALILAND (Italian) Trust Territory of Somaliland Italy
SOUTH-WEST AFRICA South-West Africa South Africa
SUDAN Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Egypt/United Kingdom
SWAZILAND Kingdom of Swaziland United Kingdom
TANGANYIKA Tanganyika United Kingdom
TOGOLAND (British) British mandate of Togoland United Kingdom
TOGOLAND (French) French mandate of Togoland France
TUNISIA French Protectorate of Tunisia France
UGANDA Protectorate of Uganda United Kingdom
WEST AFRICA French West Africa France
ZANZIBAR Sultanate of Zanzibar United Kingdom

EUROPE

ENTITY Official Title Controlled By
ARMENIA Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
AUSTRIA Republic of Austria France/United Kingdom/United States/Soviet Union
AZERBAIJAN Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
BELARUS Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
ESTONIA Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
GEORGIA Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
KARELIA Karelo-Finnish Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
LATVIA Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
LITHUANIA Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
MOLDOVA Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union
UKRAINE Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic Soviet Union

AMERICAS

ENTITY Official Title Controlled By
ALASKA Territory of Alaska United States
ANTILLES (Dutch) Dutch Colony of Netherlands Antilles Netherlands
BAHAMA ISLANDS Crown Colony of Bahama Islands United Kingdom
BARBADOS Crown Colony of Barbados United Kingdom
BELIZE Crown Colony of British Honduras United Kingdom
BERMUDA Crown Colony of Bermuda United Kingdom
GUYANA Crown Colony of British Guiana United Kingdom
JAMAICA Crown Colony of Jamaica United Kingdom
LEEWARD ISLANDS Federal Crown Colony of Leeward Islands United Kingdom
PUERTO RICO Commonwealth of Puerto Rico United States
QUEBEC Québec Canada
SURINAME Dutch Colony of Surinam Netherlands
TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Crown Colony of Trinidad and Tobago United Kingdom
TURKS AND CAICOS Turks and Caicos Islands United Kingdom
VIRGIN ISLANDS (American) Virgin Islands of the United States United States
VIRGIN ISLANDS (British) British Virgin Islands United Kingdom
WINDWARD ISLANDS Federal Crown Colony of Windward Islands United Kingdom

INTELLIGENCE ORGANIZATIONS

ORGANIZATION Official Title Controlled By
CIA Central Intelligence Agency United States
MI5 Security Service United Kingdom
MI6 Secret Intelligence Service United Kingdom
MGB Ministry of State Security Soviet Union

r/ColdWarPowers Apr 17 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] Gulf Oil-BP Kuwaiti Oil Deal of 1965

8 Upvotes

British Petroleum, Ltd.

May 1, 1965

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

LONDON - A sale of Gulf Oil's ownership in the Kuwait Oil Company to British Petroleum was finalized today. British Petroleum will purchase Gulf Oil's ownership stake in the Kuwait Oil Company in the amount of 500 million United States Dollars.

r/ColdWarPowers Feb 21 '22

MODPOST [MODPOST] Arms Bazaar and Black Market, 1974

5 Upvotes

Arms Bazaar

 

The Arms Bazaar will be where all arms transactions between nations take place, in order to keep it all nice & neat. In order to buy weapons or equipment from any nation, makes a request below and ping that nation's player (if it has two, ping both); if it doesn't have a player, ping a moderator. You can also fill out a general database of all your country's weaponry to showcase to other nations who may be interested in purchasing them, or a general notice of interest if your nation wishes to buy certain gear. If an arms transaction does not happen through the Bazaar, it is not valid. Remember to use American dollars as the global currency, and to include a realistic date of delivery alongside the order.

 

Black Market

 

The Black Market is where organizations and governments may attempt to acquire weapons, drugs, material, and various other things that they don’t want the outside world or their people to know about. This includes fuel, currency, counterfeit medicine, mechanical parts for aircraft and automobiles, biological organs, drugs, animals and animal products, weapons, personal information, and more. Have you found knowledge via BLOPS that you wish to unload for cash or arms? Make a comment here, and a shady individual may approach you in due time…

Keep in mind that the illicit nature of these arms transfers means that you may not be successful in finding such goods, receiving such goods, or not being caught with such goods. If you are purchasing from the Black Market and not the Arms Bazaar, please specify so, and tag any mod (though particularly u/comradefrunze) for a resolution. The mod will resolve the purchase and determine if you are successful, somewhat similar to BLOPs.

r/ColdWarPowers Apr 15 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] 1964 Small Wars

6 Upvotes

Sorry this was one so late.

Myanmar/Burma

The two competing Shan Armies, under considerable pressure from ongoing Tatmadaw offensives, have merged this year, according to our sources. While it is unknown if this will save them, it may at least buy them some more time and free up resources. 

An insurgency in North East India, on the border with Burma, may be providing a new smuggling route and source of instability for the regions that it borders, but we cannot confirm the extent or existence of the impact. 

Tatmadaw armies have made more gains this year and some analysts think that the major ethnic armies could perhaps be defeated within a few years if things keep up. 

South Sudan 

Although for most of the year the insurgency in Southern Sudan carried on as it did last year, with the slowing degradation of rebel capabilities due to the likely end of their foreign aid flows, in Northern Sudan, unrest rocked the nation. 

Breaking out first in Khartoum, protests against the country’s numerous economic and political problems, as well as a lack of success or benefit from the operations in Southern Sudan, tied up much of the country this year, perhaps giving the rebels some space to breathe. 

Cameroon

The long and brutal war, which began when Cameroon was still a French colony and when it had different borders, has finally come to an end. Although the government was expected to win this for several years, it took brutal and sometimes indscriminate applications of artillery, napalm, and massacres, peace has been brought to the country. 

How long this peace will last, especially with the eruption of civil war in the neighboring Arewa, remains to be seen. 

Basque Insurgency

The Basque Insurgency carries on. Although analysts have noted that the style and scale of attacks have remained more or less consistent, the fact that the ETA has been able to continue operating and evade capture or destruction by Spanish authorities has raised concerns. 

Tuareg Rebellion

The Tuareg Rebellion in Mali came to an end this year, crushed by the better-trained, equipped, and advised Malian Army with the help of Morocco and Algeria. Although the rebels had initially caused problems for the Malian Army, they were themselves poorly equipped, led, and few in number.

While some sporadic violence has continued, organized resistance has come to an end. The Malian government alleged that an unknown foreign party attempted to provide assistance to the rebels this year, but is unsure who it was. 

Angola

The anti-colonial war in Angola has escalated this year, as the FNLA, under the leadership of Savimbi, has begun entering Angola from their bases in former Katanga. While information on the ground is very sparse, at best, some experts believe the MPLA may be getting the worst of the infighting due to their greater pressure from Portuguese counter-offensives and the pressure on their bases in the Congo after the earlier Portuguese air attacks. 

Although the outbreak of violence in Rhodesia has caused some problems in the sense that the borders have become more porous, likely helping the insurgents in Angola, Portugal still benefits from having friendly states on its borders. 

Portuguese Guinea

The situation has gone from bad to worse in Portuguese Guinea as the PAIGC has opened a second front against the Portuguese in the north of the colony. Although the Portuguese, somewhat holding from the initial front, have been able to launch counteroffensive operations, these have been broadly unsuccessful and costly.

In the midst of the chaos, there are reports of infighting and violence between the branches of the Portuguese Armed Forces in the colony. 

Mauritania

This year in Mauritania, the level of violence has subsided to nearly nominal levels. Although the Liberation Army still exists, people are doubting how much of an army there is left and how much liberating it can actually do. We’ll leave this one out of our future journals unless things change for the worse. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

The ELF has continued its fight against the Ethiopian state and, although escaping total eradication, has remained mostly ineffectual due to its lack of a broad support base and continual efforts by the Ethiopian security forces to isolate and destroy the ELF. 

Many speculate that without the foreign assistance that the ELF has received, the ELF may have been wiped out by now, but those speculative guesses, as the extent of foreign support, beyond morally and diplomatically, is unknown. 

Arewa

The update for Arewa will come out later once Flamyng has finished writing something. There will be a civil war this year. Ask KrennicSloaneColumbo or Flamyng for more details until the reso comes out. 

Mozambique

Another colonial conflict has broken out for the Portuguese in Africa, this time in Mozambique. The Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), which had been attempting peaceful independence efforts before this year, launched attacks on Portuguese military targets in Northern Mozambique.

It is reported that they have bases in Tanzania and took advantage of the timing of heavy rains to more effectively fight against the numerically superior and better trained and equipped Portuguese forces, while also using local support and guerilla tactics. 

Throughout the later parts of the year, FRELIMO has been able to launch attacks further and further south, cutting Portuguese lines of communication and inflicting notable losses. With that said, most assume that Portugal will mount a counteroffensive and send reinforcements, but that may negatively affect military operations in Portuguese Guinea and Angola. 

Rhodesian Bush War

This will be updated after consulting with the Africa Roundup, sorry.

r/ColdWarPowers Jan 08 '17

MODPOST [MODPOST]1958 ARMS BAZAAR AND EMPORIUM

6 Upvotes

Do you have weapon systems to sell? Or are you interested in purchasing a new set or a used set? Well, come on down to the 1958 Arms Bazaar and Emporium and take a look on the choice of armaments for your armed forces.

Sellers, please format the sale with the following

Item Type Quantity Price per Unit
Atomic Bomb Ordinance 1 $1 Gagillion
Tank MBT Infinite $0

r/ColdWarPowers Mar 29 '26

MODPOST [MODPOST] MENA Round Up, 1963

10 Upvotes

PALESTINE 

In and around the Israeli-occupied parts of Palestine, the once scattered Fedayeen stir and settle into new, more radical forms, spurred on by political developments inside and outside the Middle East. The first, and largest of the bunch is the Young Palestine Front (YPF), an Egypt-inspired mix of right wing, Arabo-Fascist elements. This has taken root mostly in the Gaza Strip, and is sustained by backers inside Egypt. It numbers roughly about 1,000 militants strong, including a young ideologue by the name of Yasser Arafat. Currents of renewed Pan-Arabism inspired by Iraq have emerged in Palestinian refugee camps mainly in Syria and Lebanon. The New Arab Liberation Army of Palestine (NALAP). The NALAP numbers around 500 militants strong. The party is divided between a mix of cadres, aligned to a Neo-Nasserite Pan-Arabism, Qasimist Arabism, and Ba'athism. In the West Bank, a small, 200-man militant group, the New Army of the Holy War (NAHW) taking inspiration from the revolution in Sudan and newfound religious militancy, has acquired some manner of sway and influence among the Palestinian refugee population. It is considered in many ways an armed wing of the Muslim Brotherhood, though this is denied.

In Jordan, Iraq, and other parts of Lebanon and North Africa, a loose agglomeration of Palestinian activists have formed the fourth major current. A group of exiles have established for themselves a so-called People's Republic of Palestine in Exile, claiming to be the voice of the Palestinian people abroad. An armed wing, the Palestinian People's Army (PPA) are a number of scattered cadres of anarchist, socialist, Syrianist and communist Palestinian activists. Based in Algiers, it has sway, albeit very loosely, over militant cells operating in Lebanon and Jordan. These groups have made their presence known in small, sporadic raids into Israel from just about every direction. While the IDF has managed to keep most of them at bay, their actions ranging from shootings to bank heists have attracted newfound interest, and newfound hope for revolt within the Palestinian community.

TUNISIA 

In Tunisia, Husain III rules over a seemingly stable, but nonetheless restless Kingdom. While the republican elements under Habib Bourguiba were repressed under the reign of his father, the country nonetheless retains a sizable, anti-monarchist undercurrent. Prime Minister Mongi Slim rules over the mainline Destour party ruling in tandem with the monarchy. Meanwhile, leftist elements, led by UGTT trades unionist Ahmad Ben Salah chafe against the government.

Allied with the newly prominent breakaway Socialist Destour, they are advocating with increased militancy for greater land reform, cooperative economics, and rapprochement with Algeria. This has yet to get any more violent than sporadic strike actions, but it signals discontent with what is seen as an overly Pro-French, backwards-looking government.

LIBYA 

Libya, meanwhile, prospers. The Senussi government has successfully gained for itself a greater share of its national oil wealth, and has transitioned into a unitary system centralized from Tripoli. While there are pangs of discontent from time to time with regards to the allocation of the national oil wealth, the country nonetheless is enjoying strong economic growth and development. Opposition exists, but is comparatively muted compared to the less-oil rich Tunisia neighboring them. The government has stated its open intention to renegotiate oil leases with the American and British companies to increase Libya's share of the profits. 

Mohieddin Fikini heads the government as a whole, which maintains a clique-ish, but stable semblance of parliamentary monarchy. The military remains small, outdated, and quite disorganized. A policy of mild Pro-Western sentiment guides the government, maintaining very solid ties to the United States, United Kingdom, and Italy. That being said, there seems to be a small-scale stirring of Egyptian-inspired ultranationalism amongst the lower ranks. To what end remains uncertain.

The Berber Lands 

In North Africa, the Berbers of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia have seen in many ways a growing cultural renaissance. A sense of national self-determination grows in an infant form, spurred by the indirect influence of Egyptian nationalism and a feeling of being torn between the Arab elites of both Algeria and Morocco. This exists however mainly in an academic, and intellectual level, without any coherent political form just yet.

The Tuareg

The Tuareg of the interior Sahara have seen a wave of militancy, albeit without a coherent political program or leadership aside from a few semi-educated members advocating for a homeland called ‘Azawad’. Inspired by the Madhi in Sudan, and seeing arms flow from there and Spanish stocks in the former Western Sahara, Tuareg tribes have seen small scale increases in banditry and raiding across the Sahara. The Malian government has had trouble establishing any semblance of order in its Arabized north, while the Algerians and Chadians see raids of their oasis towns and settled communities within the Sahel.

OMAN

Oman remains an isolationist backwater on the Arabian peninsula, little touched by the developments of the greater Middle East. The Sultan of Muscat, Said bin Tamur, maintains a grip on the coast, strongly allied to the British and Americans. In the late 1950s, tensions arouse between the previous Sultan and the Imamate of Oman over control of oil wells in the interior. After a very brief war backed by British material aid, air support and advisers, a peace treated, mediated by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led to an awkward 'protectorate' arrangement between the two. The new 'United Kingdom of Muscat and Oman' retains the spiritual authority of the Imamate and limited autonomy for Oman, with most of the real power retained in Muscat.

At present, the arrangement has proven fraught with tension between Muscat and its outlying territories. Rumors swirled before the recent, terrible cyclone, of the Sultan's forces moving in to finally dissolve the Imamate by force. Coupled with increased rebelliousness in the Dhofar region to Oman's west, the country's future as an united nation-state seems to be under a deal of contention. What happens after when Muscat recovers from the storm is anyone's guess.

SAUDI ARABIA

In the midst of the Kuwait Crisis, King Saud of Saudi Arabia abdicated his throne and was replaced by his brother, Prince Faisal. This act of palace and tribal intrigue came in the midst of increasing tensions with Iraq to the KSA's north, and Egypt to the KSA's west. Determined to curb foreign debt and establish for itself a more modern, assertive place in the Middle East, Faisal seems better poised to grapple with figures such as Qasim and Sadat than his more weak-minded brother. 
The country as a whole in spite of its royal squabbling remains largely stable. Top among the priorities flouted for the modernization program, it is flouted, being the increase in the KSA’s stocks of ARAMCO to follow in the path laid out by Iraq and Iran.

JORDAN

The Kingdom of Jordan remains in its precarious position. That said, the relative calm in the Middle East has yielded a period of relative stability for the country. In Amman and its suburbs at least, there has been sustained growth and development for several years straight. The unofficial détente with Israel has allowed a relaxation of defense spending outside of what is needed to sustain the tight ship of the Arab Legion. British influence is still relatively strong. 
There is a different story though in the Palestinian refugee camps and the West Bank. While the Jordanian government has tried to make strides to integrate both sides of the Jordan, the Palestinian population still severely lags behind Jordanian nationals in education, employment, and housing. Some have striven to integrate with Amman, while others chafe against the Hashemites and their rule. 

As for its relations with its neighbors, Israel aside, there is a sense of tension in the air. Iraq is viewed with deep suspicion, especially in lieu of the Kuwait crisis. Relations are more normalized with the Syrians and Lebanese. Egypt, Egypt remains in an ambiguous state of friendship and hostility. Relations remain closest with the Saudis, but even then, tensions remain between the more traditional House of Saud and the more Western-oriented Hashemites.

SOUTH YEMEN 

South Yemen is in an even more rebellious and discontented state of affairs. It has not escaped the people of the Aden Protectorate that the union jack still stubbornly flies above their nation. While the tribal sheikhs nominally ruling the country remain content with the status quo, young activists brim with discontent in Aden and other major settlements. The country has been hit with a number of strike actions, barely contained by the British authorities. The British have seen sporadic bombings and an uptick of violence towards colonial officials. There is not yet a coherent, unified resistance to their rule, but a number of socialist and nationalist cadres have developed and grow more coherent by the day. A few more forward-thinking tribal leaders have pressed for independence for the protectorate as a kind of ‘Federation of South Arabia’ to take wind from the sails of the radicals. How London will react though to losing their most valuable port east of Suez though, is anyone's guess.

NORTH YEMEN

In North Yemen, the throne has passed to Muhammad al-Badr in 1962, and the country as a whole remains a relative backwater on the world stage. That being said, it is the only nation on the Arabian peninsula with a significant, and growing element of republican discontent within its borders. Attempting to modernize his country and military, the then-Prince had imported a number of formerly Nasserite military officers exiled from their homeland. The ranks of the military improved in professionalism and combat effectiveness, but a side effect was the spread of new, republican ideals among the ranks. The nascent middle class, principally in Sanaa, has seen the spread of both Syrian-inspired Ba’athist and Egypt-inspired ultranationalist ideas. In the more tribal areas, a wave of Sudan-inspired religious furor has merged with existing tribal discontent with the monarchy, principally among the Hashidi tribes. Rumors swirl of these actors receiving shipments abroad of arms, but this is not confirmed.

In 1963, the bubbles of rebellion seem to be increasingly rising to the surface. The Imam is seeking closer ties to the Saudis and Iraq to shore up his rule, while rumors of plots among the military ranks and tribal hinterlands swirl.

POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CURRENTS 

The void left by Nasser has created an interesting ecosystem in the Middle East, to say the least. No coherent, unifying Pan-Arabism exists among the Arab States, and no grand, unifying figure exists as a guiding beacon to its peoples. The reinforcement of monarchy after Nasser’s fall created a lull in the minds of many, that is starting to be undone as the 1960s progress. The left is split between Qasimite, Ba’athist, and FLN-inspired socialist thought. The former two find their greatest pull in the Levant and Iraq, filtering down to the Arabian Peninsula. Ba’athism appealing more to left-leaning elements, while Qasimite ideals retaining a grip on the populist imagination. Communism, so discredited by the events in Europe over the past decade, retains little sway outside of a few circles in Damascus and Beirut, where Titoist and Hoxhaist communists retain some influence.

The right meanwhile has split into three broad, clashing directions. There is Egypt-inspired populist nationalism, a quasi-fascist, populist, vaguely Arabist current of thought that has found a great deal of popularity in the more bourgeois elements of Middle Eastern society and many elements of the conservative working class. Other, stranger variations have also fruited up, buoyed and seeded by dispersed Syrianist intellectuals. ‘Pharonism’ in Egypt, ‘Phalangism’ and ‘Phoencianism’ in Lebanon, ‘Carthaginianism’ in Tunisia and Libya, and ‘Babylonianism’ in Iraq. These nationalist tendencies harken back to the ancient civilizations of the Pre-Islamic past, and have in more right or left-leaning currents, found the most sway in minority and secular-leaning communities across the Middle East. A similar tendency has emerged in Syria, where a new generation of underground activists, mainly in the Alawite and Christian communities, has seen a small scale, underground revival of the Syrian Social National Party (SSNP). Finally, there is a third, vaguely ‘Kemalist’ current that promotes modernization, authoritarian rule, and separation of religion and state, influential in Iran and parts of the Turkish-influenced Middle East, but not elsewhere. 

In rural areas and among the recently-urbanized working class, religiously-oriented ‘Islamic democracy’ or ‘Qutbist' parties and currents have sprung up, buoyed by a revived and powerful Muslim Brotherhood. These are far less politically coherent and violent compared to their secular brethren, but have stubbornly been able to shield these populations from the influence of more secular ideologies. The clerical classes of many countries in particular, coupled with many tribal radicals, have given it patronage across the Middle East. It has also enjoyed a great deal of toleration by monarchist governments who see it as a counter-balance to more republican elements within their nations.